Rediscovery of Modi-Muslim relations ? Can the Gamble work ?

Rediscovery of Modi-Muslim relations ? Can the Gamble work ?

New Delhi 

Indian elections are 'delight' to look at from outside by psephologists, journalists and even statisticians or data girls and guys. It is often difficult to calculate the swings and sweeps; and more tougher proposition is to look for "patterns" on how India votes.

It is also complex to gauge the functioning styles of the Neta class, the political parties and other stakeholders close to the Netas. There is often duality and also glimpses of inconsistency. But Indian politicians are smart enough to keep things revolving around blame-giving and credit-seeking phenomenon.

Narendra Modi has had his unique dosage of love-hate relationship with Muslims over the decades. It came to the fore repeatedly in 2024 polls as well.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has said that while at home he is "cornered" on his relationship the Muslims, it was he who during the month of Ramzan prevailed upon the Israeli government to stop bombing during the holy month of Ramzan.

"It was the month of Ramzan. So I sent my special envoy to Israel and asked him to convey and explain to the Prime Minister (Benjamin Netanyahu) that at least do not carry out bombings in Gaza during Ramzan. They (Israel) made every effort to follow it but in the end, there was a fight for two-three days." Modi said in an interview to India Today TV channel.

"Here, you keep on cornering me on the Muslims issue but I didn't publicise it," the Prime Minister said. 

Some of it could be true. There is another round of anecdotes that came to light in his interview with a Muslim TV anchor Rubika Liyaqat of News18.

Here he said, "I stayed in a locality during childhood when on the day of Eid fest no food was cooked in our house. We used to get enough stuff from neighbours who stayed within five steps outside my house".

Take the clock back to 2002. In his interview with News18, Modi admits that after Godhra 2002, his relationship with Muslim stood in a bad light or rather was made out to be like that. 

Modi seems to blame others for that.

How could he forget when Sonia Gandhi called him a Maut Ka Saudagar - 2007 polls and the US also denied him a Visa.

A delegation of Sufi Scholars calls on the Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, in New Delhi. File photo

Now jump to 2019 December -- just a few months after Modi was re-elected with an enhanced mandate;something unthinkable happened. First time in years the religious minorities especially Muslims started flexing muscles – literally. 

Remember Shaheen Bagh protest in Delhi against the CAA.

In May 2019 after the mandate came giving BJP 303 seats, the 'Moditva' as a political phenomenon and with combined magic of pro-Hindutva tilt and push for development as a catalyst looked invincible.

"...we want a government that will not focus on promoting one religion and work against others,” said one Muslim youth during the anti-CAA noisy protest of December 15, 2019 in the capital.

There was already apprehension about protecting 'plurality' in India. In fact, since 2014, episodes like mob lynching against cattle meat sale and movement against ‘Love Jihad’ made news. 

“The people are permanent and an elected government is temporary. So it has no right to enact a law that excludes Muslims,” said another Muslim student during the Jamia Millia protest.

India Today: Cover stories on Mayhem of 2002

Another vocal refrain from protesters has been that the Modi government has tried to push the line that Muslims are ‘not patriotic enough’ and they must be taught a lesson through CAA and NRC.

Such an attitude is not acceptable, they screamed.

It may not be wrong to suggest that the virtual challenge to the ‘Moditva phenomenon’ had forced the then BJP leadership to go back to the table to redraw the campaign strategy and publicity management especially on social networks.

On December 29, 2019, Mann-Ki-Baat radio broadcast the Prime Minister himself tried to strike an emotional chord with the generation next and said the country's youth detests “anarchy of any sort”.

Later in the evening hours, Modi in a tweet wrote: “What is certain is that the coming decade will see those born in the 21st century playing a key role in national progress".

The then BJP working president J P Nadda held several conclaves with party colleagues to work out strategies to bust the myths about the Citizenship Amendment Act. All these had come in a year - 2019 - that almost gave a feeling that the BJP has attained ‘the invincible’ status in Indian politics.

The year 2019 saw BJP's political detractors and stalwarts bite the dust during the summer polls and the saffron party won an enhanced mandate.  But the youths and religious minorities – however - combined together by December to throw up a major challenge to the ruling regime.

Of course, by then Aug 5th (2019), the controversial Article 370 was already abrogated. The new socio-political situation had also made ‘cornered’ Congress leaders such as P Chidambaram sound optimistic and 

- he had said: “In less than a fortnight – December 12 to 24 (2019) – the nation found its soul and stood up to the bullies”.

There came a time in between when theories were circulated that while Modi has been a hard-liner Hindutva proponent and anti-Muslim; others in the BJP were not.

But in 2017 during assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, I interacted with a "former Congress leader" Jamaluddin Qureshi based in Agra. 

He had said Modi was/is a byproduct of the legacy of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L K Advani. 

He implied --that the BJP and Narendra Modi were "inseparable" when it comes to dealing with Muslims.

There is another argument. Prof Subrata K Mitra of Heidelberg University, Germany says: "The impressive victory of the BJP under Modi raises a fundamental question about governance, leadership, the imperative of development and the making of a popular will".  

(In Foreword to the book 'Godhra - Journey of a Prime Minister - 2018 publication)

The meaning implied is that the more the secularists of India and their foreign backers hit out at Modi as a taintedleader, the more Modi fell back on his identification as a Hindu from Gujarat. The sum and substance is any leader is after all the creation of his own people.

Many can also ponder that at least between 1992 and 2017, states such as Uttar Pradesh were ruled by "secular leaders and parties" for most of the period. 

But the province was rocked by caste conflict and even religiousriots; whereas Gujarat remained relatively free of riots after 2002 mayhem.

Modi again has a few tales and anecdotes of Juhapura women (near Ahmedabad) congratulating himfor ensuring electricity supply after the 2002 carnage.

Next, how would Muslim women take 'Modi bhai' as a public leader especially in the context of abolition ofTriple Talaq in India needs to be debated.

But why did Modi have to sound so caustic when in an election rally in Rajasthan, he called Muslims"with many children" and "infiltrators"?

Of course, at a later stage he said, his words have been misinterpreted. PM also claims he is exposing the Congress party's double standards with regard to its policies to use Muslims as vote garnering tools.

But those who track Modi also know that in 2002 -- Modi used the phrase "Hum paanch hamare pachees" --he did not want to be more specific. 

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