PM Modi visits Shri Ram College of Commerce (SRCC), makes an impressive speech recalling 2013 venture ::: What about Journalism of that era and who made working atmosphere Toxic ?

Politics and political speeches are made and covered and 'uncovered'. 

But what about Journalism of that era and who made working atmosphere Toxic ? 

PM Narendra Modi visits Shri Ram College of Commerce (SRCC) in Delhi and made an impressive speech recalling 2013 venture.  

"Especially people are remembering my 2013 address (at the same venue). People have listened to it again, read it again. It is possible that the new generation has also revisited it. That speech, I can say, became a wave, a movement. And even today, 13–14 years later, the impact of that gathering, that address, remains," the Prime Minister said. 

"I say the glass is always full- half with air, half with water": Modi at SRCC (Feb 5, 2013) 

Video Link

But as a blogger in this piece; I seek to recall and debate the 'beginning of a decay process' in Indian journalism. Modi had come to Delhi shortly after his third time election win in Gujarat - December 2012. He was just a chief minister of Gujarat and the debate persisted whether BJP should make him PM-candidate for the 2014 polls. 

Within BJP, L K Advani and his coterie including Late Sushma Swaraj were against any such move. Nitish Kumar was a powerful NDA leader and despite efforts made by Arun Jaitley to convince him to back Modi; the Bihar chief minister had red-flagged the move. 

Modi's speech had an epoch-making impact within hours. The next day 'The Hindu' newspaper did not cover Modi's speech with the importance it deserved. The newspaper had focused only on some Lathi charge and scuffle between pro-Left students who had come near the college campus and clashed with police. They were raising slogans against Modi. 

Here comes the interesting (or rather Toxic) part of Indian journalism -- reportedly the then editor of 'The Hindu' said -- there was no need to cover the speech because 'chief ministers keep visiting Delhi and there was no big deal about Gujarat chief minister making any speech to college students in the capital'.  

The decision to omit the speech from 'Page 1' sparked public discussion at the time. Then-editor Siddharth Varadarajan defended the choice on social media, stating that the paper refused to follow the media herd and considered other front-page news stories more newsworthy than a state Chief Minister's address at a college.  

“We refuse to be part of the herd. Every story on our p1 was far more newsworthy than a speech by a CM to a Delhi college" -- was 'The Hindu' argument. 

'The Hindu' (for practical purpose the group is most anti-Hindu and made headlines again during coverage of Rafale purchase row) ... felt there were more important items than Modi’s speech.

The lead story in the paper was P Chidambaram’s comment on the army and AFSPA, the second was a story on the Sebi-Sahara imbroglio and the third was on the violence in a dalit hostel in Patna.

Mumbai's popular tabloid 'Mid-Day' was another paper which ignored Modi. 

Not just on the front page, but completely. 

“Publishing a Narendra Modi news item - especially Wednesday's speech in New Delhi - on Page 1 is based upon two assumptions: one, that Mr Modi will be the Prime Ministerial candidate for the NDA; and two, that he will indeed become PM after the next general election. Both are, well, assumptions,” Sachin Kalbag, editor, Mid-Day, said to Firstpost.  

2013 - Gesture said it all 

“We did not have Mr Modi on Page 1 because chief ministers make speeches all the time. It is part of their job. I don't remember taking a Maharashtra CM's speech ever on our Page 1, even though we are a city newspaper," Mid Day editor further stated.  

I have my personal take too. I was with 'The Statesman' those days. By afternoon after the speech was over, I rushed to the city office (Barakhamba Road, The Statesman building) and punched the story. 

I do not remember exactly the context. But in the copy I also mentioned Dr Murli Manohor Joshi. In some paras down the page - I just typed Joshi. 

When the copy reached our Resident Editor Usha Mahadevan's desk -- she was furious. She called me and almost shouted asking - "Which Joshi you mean; now I have to call you and ask these. You should read the copy again". I was surprised. Normally she used to be one of the fine female colleagues I have worked with. 

But I also told my self -  lately she has started coming under the influence of a huge (joker/donkey) in the crowd (office colleagues). 

That fellow was a die-hard 'chamcha of Janardhan Dwivedi' and of course a Congress loyalist. 

In a fixed presser; he got the opportunity to ask a question to Sonia on the line Dwivedi had wanted. 

Some of his copies - if not most - reflected loyalties of Mukul Wasnik variety and would even put Congress magazine 'Sandesh' into shame. 

When Ram Vilas Paswan in 2009 flayed Ahmed Patel over alliance setback between LJP and the Congress; the story filed by me was killed. 

Smriti Irani's criticism of Rahul Gandhi was repeatedly killed too. That, however, did not save Rahul being defeated at Amethi in 2019 elections.

Thus, the influence on madam Usha was understood. It was powerful. One colleague (now in Himachal) asked me -- "why do you look so angry". 

Probably, my face spoke it all. I said - "Modi's speech is a winner. He has certainly displeased this Sickularism gang and probably the huge D. has spoiled madam's mood but influenced her thought".  

I also added: "I may predict; if Modi becomes Prime Minister; I will have to quit The Statesman". 

Believe me. It was a prophetic statement from me. 

November last week 2015, I was almost compelled to put in papers. 

'Toxic' thing used to reach its peak. The Saturday meetings turned mini war rooms. And top of that many of us could not tolerate a D trying to educate ethics when he himself every day and with every copy displayed his disapproval of Narendra Modi as the Prime Minister. 

Slowly, many of us quit the paper. 

When it comes to jobs and joblessness in India; people often say - Indians are jobless by choice. At least in my case - I am freelancer/blogger by choice. On the other hand, those who try to project that the Narendra Modi rule has 'destroyed' media are somehow surviving despite their die-hard and even blind loyalty towards Sonia Gandhi-Rahul duo or the Sickular ecosystem. 

'Mamata aapa' was one favourite of this anti-Modi club. Most of them saw a potential Prime Minister in her. 

May 3, 2026 election vote-count 'ousted' her from Kolkata's seat of power and in Delhi and elsewhere many such journos lost appetite for days.  

It was a case of huge setback for 'Fish fry' Journalism.

I am not defending Modi Bhakts especially in TV channels. 

But it was also rumoured that a popular news anchor asked to step down was 'ensured' the job again in the same channel after Mamata Banerjee (then West Bengal CM) did her part. 

Congress leader Jairam Ramesh  also has a set of admirers among Delhi journalists due to his benevolent nature.  I covered him for long when he was Rural Development Minister but could never become his 'friend'. 

One 'Rural Development' correspondent got badly identified and his beat was later changed. Jairam holds a typical record. In his own words -- as he told us - his mother had disapproved his comments that Toilets are cleaner than Hindu temples. 

Some of us had protested over his remarks. He asked me : "You must be a Brahmin or an upper caste".  

Did Oscar Wilde say: "Journalism is unreadable, and literature is not read." 

ends 

  

No Coaching and Beyond marks ::: India's Education revolution must be about creating better human beings ::::: Education system must combine scientific temper with civilisational values, and ethical responsibility

We just had the Teachers’ Day.

It was to pay tribute to India's second President Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan. He was also a great educationist. 

India must be ready for an education revolution—but that revolution must be about creating better human beings, not merely better examination scores. 

Beyond marks and coaching

The real crisis in Indian education is not simply whether the system is modern or traditional. It is whether education is producing thinking human beings.

A child should not be reduced to a percentage, a rank or an entrance-examination score. A teacher should not be reduced to someone who completes a syllabus. And a university should not become merely a credential-distribution centre.

India needs an education system that combines scientific temper with civilisational awareness, modern technology with ethical responsibility, and professional excellence with social purpose.

The Gurukul idea, therefore, deserves to be discussed without either romanticising it or dismissing it.

India does not have to choose between the past and the future. It can learn from the past while building the future.  

The bigger battle is over the purpose of education

At the heart of the current debate is a much larger question: What should education actually achieve? India has increasingly become an examination-oriented society. Marks determine opportunities, competitive examinations determine career paths, and the coaching industry has become deeply embedded in the education ecosystem.

The result is a system in which learning can sometimes become secondary to scoring. This is where the idea of the Gurukul system deserves a serious discussion.

The Gurukul model cannot simply be transplanted into the 21st century. India today requires modern schools, modern universities, technology, laboratories, coding, artificial intelligence and scientific research.

But modernisation should not necessarily mean abandoning the civilisational values associated with the traditional Indian approach to education.  The distinction between commercialisation and modernisation therefore needs to be clearly understood.

What happened to the Guru-Shishya relationship?

The traditional idea of the Guru was not merely that of a teacher preparing a student to clear an examination. The Guru was expected to shape character, discipline, intellectual curiosity and a sense of responsibility. The story of Dronacharya and Arjuna, regardless of how one interprets the Mahabharata tradition, provides an interesting illustration of the idea of identifying and nurturing exceptional ability.

The broader lesson is that a teacher should be committed to the potential of the student.

Education cannot be reduced to the ability to produce high-scoring candidates. This is particularly important in the era of the coaching economy.  In places such as Kota, the intense pressure associated with competitive examinations has repeatedly triggered concerns over student wellbeing and the broader culture surrounding entrance examinations.

Parents naturally want their children to succeed. But the question is: What kind of success are we preparing them for?

Do we want doctors who simply pursue lucrative careers, or doctors who also see service to society as part of their professional responsibility?  Do we want engineers who merely obtain degrees, or innovators capable of solving real problems?

Blogger 'under a tree' : In search of a Gurukul 

Do we want civil servants trained only to clear examinations, or public servants equipped with judgement, integrity and empathy?  

That is the real education debate.

India’s civilisational knowledge deserves serious study. The proposed incorporation of traditional Indian concepts into mathematics and related disciplines has inevitably generated debate.

Concepts associated with Bharatiya Bijaganita, including traditional methods such as the Paravartya Yojayet sutra, can be studied as part of the history and development of mathematical thought.

Similarly, the study of the panchanga, Indian calendrical systems and traditional approaches to measuring time can provide students with an opportunity to understand the intersection of mathematics, astronomy, culture and civilisation.

Ancient Indian observatories, the historical significance of Ujjain as a reference point in Indian astronomy, and traditional time units such as ghati and vighati can also be examined alongside modern systems such as GMT and IST.

The purpose should be neither to reject modern science nor to claim that every traditional practice was scientifically superior.

The purpose should be to study, compare, question and understand. That is what a modern education system should encourage.   

Society has become obsessed with preparing young people for success while often neglecting a more fundamental question: What will they do with that success?

India’s National Education Policy (NEP) itself recognises that mathematics and mathematical thinking will play an increasingly important role in the country’s future and its leadership in emerging fields.

The NEP places particular emphasis on professions and disciplines involving artificial intelligence, machine learning and data science. 

It also states that mathematics and computational thinking should receive greater emphasis throughout the school years, beginning at the foundational stage, through innovative methods such as puzzles and games that make mathematical thinking more engaging.

Coding activities are also envisaged from the middle stage of schooling. So, the larger question goes well beyond the recent political debate over the education portfolio or the change of an Education Minister.

There is another story unfolding in India’s education system.

Under the Modi government, the education sector has been undergoing a process of restructuring, including work around:

A new mathematics curriculum;

New NCERT textbooks for Classes IX to XII; and

Changes in the teaching of history and India’s civilisational heritage.

The proposed undergraduate mathematics curriculum has also generated interest because of its references to traditional Indian mathematical knowledge, including sutra literature and calendrical systems.

The objective should not be to romanticise the past. Rather, India needs to ask whether its ancient intellectual traditions can be studied alongside modern mathematics, science and technology.

For centuries, Indian mathematicians worked with the decimal place-value system and developed sophisticated approaches to arithmetic and astronomy. These traditions form an important part of the history of mathematics and deserve serious academic examination.  

Why does the Gurukul debate make some uncomfortable?

The debate becomes politically charged when questions of history, civilisation and cultural memory enter the classroom. Critics of changes in history textbooks fear ideological rewriting. Supporters argue that Indian history has sometimes been presented through frameworks that underplayed indigenous traditions and perspectives.

The controversy over the history of medieval India and the Ayodhya dispute illustrates how deeply contested historical narratives can become.

Former Archaeological Survey of India archaeologist K.K. Mohammed, for instance, has publicly criticised the role played by sections of historians in the Ayodhya debate and argued that the issue was complicated by competing interpretations of historical evidence.

RSS chief Bhagwat being welcomed in London 

Such claims, however, should be examined through evidence and scholarship rather than political slogans. The same principle should apply to the rewriting of history today.

A curriculum should neither become a vehicle for ideological indoctrination nor a mechanism for erasing uncomfortable aspects of history. Students should be given the intellectual tools to examine evidence and reach informed conclusions.  

From knowledge to civilisational confidence

In his address to a gathering in Toronto, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat spoke about India’s historical civilisational role in spreading knowledge. Whatever one’s political or ideological position, there is a larger point worth considering.

India’s education tradition historically placed considerable emphasis on knowledge, teachers, discipline and intellectual inquiry.

The challenge before contemporary India is to determine how those principles can coexist with the demands of a modern economy driven by AI, machine learning, mathematics, computational thinking and data science.

There is no contradiction in studying both. In fact, India may need precisely such a synthesis.

ends 

There is more to it .... Sachin Pilot as general secy-in charge for poll-bound Punjab has another message --- New AICC president after Kharge could be Priyanka or again an old-hat

 There are many stones and many birds. The AICC reshuffle is good in the sense Sachin Pailt has been made in charge of Punjab just in the run up to the elections. 

The Congress all the prospect of storming back to power because the ruling AAP faces anti incumbency and the BJP with or with Akalis is still far off in the race.   

Sachin Pilot - Man who delivered Rajasthan; but was sidelined 

Bhupesh Baghel, who was handling Punjab, has now been shifted to Assam as general secretary in-charge. It's like being shunted out as he would not have much to do there. 

It is significant Pilot, son of Late Rajesh Pilot, takes charge in the state at a politically sensitive time. He delivered Rajasthan in the past; but was beaten by Bhairon Singh Shekhawat's machinations and was later handed over 'injustice' by the high command. 

The AICC - meaning Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi Vadra is considering changes to Punjab state unit Congress Committee even as a hype is being created over Rahul Gandhi's proposed Yatra in the state in the run up to the 2027 Assembly elections.  

In the reshuffle, Randeep Singh Surjewalla has been given Gujarat - a state which goes to the polls in Nov 2027 and the grand old party has been marginalised immensely in 2022. There is one common factor between Punjab and Gujarat -- in both these states - AAP is immediate challenger to the Congress. 

This has only muddled Congress games electorally.  But Congress maybe still looking to give Narendra Modi a run for money on home ground Gujarat, which is due for polls in Nov 2027. 

With regard Sachin Pilot - if any case was pushed to consider his name as next AICC president after aging Mallikarjun Kharge; apparently - that possibility has bee ruled out. 

The scenarios emerging suggest -- Priyanka Gandhi Vadra may be made AICC president or Rahul Gandhi is again going to trust a 'non-challenger' oldie-uncle. Kharge has been a 'good rubber stamp' president. 

Answering media queries on certain internal matters of the party (that has given several rubber stamp presidents both at the national level and in states) -- Kharge even said : "I do not know; high command will decide that". 

Curiosity - if any - doing the round is who could replace Kharge when the time/decision for the transition comes -- Digvijaya Singh is seemingly ruled out. There are other talented Rajya Sabha 'yes man' such as Pramod Tiwari from UP. If that happens; the ecosystem may even scream 'master stroke'. 

In Punjab, the Congress has paid a big price of Rahul's master stroke in 2022.  

Charanjit Singh Channi was made the first Dalit chief minister of Punjab in 2021. The outcome was disastrous in March 2022. The AAP stole the thunder. Rahul has to his credit many master strokes.  

Supporters of Charanjit Singh Channi, first Dalit CM of Punjab : Sept 2021  

Since 2014; the Congress party has done experiments. To traverse time and space involves trials and errors. This is what India’s grand old party keeps doing hoping to reclaim its past glory vis-a-vis BJP's Hindutva politics and development cards.  

Politics is an unfinished journey.  

Sachin Pilot’s appointment as Punjab in-charge could work to the party’s advantage by helping unite its leaders.

Former chief minister Charanjit Singh Channi and Gurdaspur MP Sukhjinder Singh Randhawa had had opposed present state unit chief Amarinder Singh Raja Warring. Baghel as in charge allegedly sided with Warring.  

The reshuffle order also says that Surjewalla will also hold the additional charge of Karnataka.  Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh also get new bosses for the Congress party.  

Importantly, Mukul Wasnik has been retained as general secretary. A die-hard loyalist - Wasnik has the talent of "thanking" Rahul Gandhi ji for campaigning for polls in 2016.  

Among the five states going to polls - if Congress was BJP --- there were clear prospect of win in Punjab, Uttarakhand, Manipur and Goa. That could be far-fetched. Even K C Venugopal and Jai-rahim are not thinking on those lines. 

But Punjab is different.  

The reality is Congress continues to enjoy a groundswell of grassroots support unlike in most other parts of the country. As we know the northern state of Punjab shares a 600-kilometer border with Pakistan. 

The state is better known for its valiant Sikh soldiers and hard-working farmers, who had successfully transformed the state into the food bowl of India.  

After the end of its glory in 2014; until 2018, Punjab was the only state where the Congress held absolute power.

ends 

RSS chief Bhagwat has gone to US and other countries : For 'greater outreach' he is set to meet some Christian leaders in India this month ::: But BJP needs to have a "better plan" for north east India

The BJP needs to have a "better plan" for north east India. When we say this, our observation is about deeper and quality penetration. 

Just lately,  RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has gone to the US and other countries in the west. His message has gone down well and has a special significance.

Reportedly; for 'greater outreach' towards minorities; he is set to meet some Christian leaders in India this month. In general sense, the initiatives ought to be appreciated.  

The larger message has been that human existence carries a responsibility that goes beyond immediate gratification. However, when it comes to northeastern states and its polity; the BJP is keeping itself confined to 'immediate gratification' only. 

Naga CM Rio and MoS Alphons

The fact of the matter is most 'experiments' of the BJP in the north east hardly made a headway. Sometime - they try Christian faces. 

Lip-service is so much that today officials in the Home and Defence ministries believe - the Solution to the Naga problem may not come so soon,

If  that's an achievement;  the BJP can explain how.  K J Alphons as Minister of State visited the region frequently. But nothing much happened in terms of saffron party's penetration. In fact, the visits by ministers even in remote corners such as Kiphire in Nagaland or Lunglei in Mizoram are happening still now. 

But what is called "winning" the heart of tribals and non-tribals, Christians - Catholics and Baptists - Hills and Valleys to be called a "outreach of a national party" is not happening. Even making a Naga BJP leader as in-charge of Meghalaya did not help much. 

First of all, over the decades the Congress party never worked for "sincere" emotional integration between natives and the so called national mainstream. The BJP in the last 12 years has not been much different despite clear instructions from the Prime Minister Narendra Modi to change the rules of the game of engagements and interaction.  

The coordinators and in-charges appointed at the regional level and in various states have no knowledge of North East. 

They do not understand the psyche of the people and even after they go there; the sincerity of purpose is lacking. Other priorities take over. In Assam; some RSS karyakartas have remained focus on Muslim-Bangladeshi angle. 

There is need for a good Hindutva-linked projects and long term vision vis-a-vis Cachar valley including Silchar, Hojai-Diphu-Lumding region and also some parts of Upper Assam. A good coordination needs to be worked out between BJP, bureaucracy in the state and the RSS coordinators.   

Similar initiatives should have come in Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram also.

Nevertheless; the party leaders in the region and in Delhi still think they can continue to support wrong regional parties and win elections for NDA 

But this is only superficial.

A few regional parties are no longer comfortable with the BJP. They have started looking for better avenues. 

It's a pathetic case of non performance that even after so many years of BJP rule in the centre and in the region; the Lotus party has not been able to develop a core constituency for itself. 

The RSS alone cannot be blamed or be asked to "keep North East with the BJP and the country". The saffron party has socio-political responsibilities. 

The NEDA is either a decorative piece of defunct.  

One is aware that "anti-Hindu image" of Nagas or Mizos and the vice versa anti-Christian image of the RSS (or also BJP) have to disappear fast.

A few years ago, RSS leaders also associated with the VHP encouraged and worked on this qualitative development.  In circa 2026, one is clueless. 

The BJP's deeper penetration does not mean merely winning election. It is more about respecting each other and promoting mutual tolerance, 

By nature, north east states are peculiar. For lip-service - 'tolerance and plurailism' will be appreciated.  They may be selectively used to attack RSS or the 'outsiders' - plain manu, Vai Naupoag and Dhwaker (Dkhar).  

But among one another ... it has done a vanisshing act long back at least in some pockets.  Manipur is a classic example - where Nagas are clashing with Kukis and revived the gory days of the 1990s. 

Meiteis and Kukis are not seeing eye to eye since 2023.  

Meiteis and Nagas also have clashed in the past. In Mizoram; there used to be problems with Reangs/Brus. In Meghalaya, 'tourists' from Assam had issues. In Tripura; the tribal non-tribal issue may flare up anytime.   

Where is the BJP - party with a difference - amid all these? 

One diagnosis is bitter --  

Both the RSS and the BJP have not encourages sincere people for north east. 

"Hum ney Aaj tak ek dhang ka Governor de nahi paye .. We could not give a creditable leader from RSS or BJP as Governor in the north east," lamented one senior leader - almost retired.

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat 

Of course, R N Ravi is of police background. Manipur Governor A K Bhalla is an ex Babu and Mizoram has a military man, Gen V K Singh (Retd).  

One need not create a fear psychosis, but there are stakeholders and even "abettors" in the USA, China and some other countries. 

Their intent will be to use 'insurgency' and tribal-non tribal differences for their sinister designs. The deep state has played a role in 2023 turmoil of Manipur.

Tribal societies and local stakeholders in the region, in each state, have to examine closely --- what is the net gain.

The national and global scenarios have changed much to the advantage of New Delhi and also Nagpur. On the contrary, the bargaining capacity of armed groups are considerably diminishing.  

A stronger Russia-India-China partnership is on cards. 

A balance sheet is required to be prepared and the BJP has to look inside.  

BJP president Nitin Nabin has to plan his North East team accordingly. 

ends 

Political consequences of FNTA extend well beyond Nagaland ::::::: “Despite being rich in resources and human capital, Eastern Nagaland did not keep pace with progress" - Naga CM Rio admits ::::

 For the Modi government, the real test may now be whether this new arrangement of FNTA for 'neglected Eastern Nagaland' strengthens the idea of negotiated accommodation — or creates fresh expectations among Naga communities elsewhere.

The Modi government has achieved one milestone in a way. But there are other issues. How would people of the hills in Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh now ‘take’ things when ‘Eastern Nagaland’ will march towards greater glories?

The agreement and the new law will create the Frontier Nagaland Territorial Authority (FNTA), covering six districts — Tuensang, Mon, Kiphire, Longleng, Noklak and Shamator.

It involves the lives and times of seven tribes — Konyaks, Sangtams, Changs, Phoms, Khiamniungans, 

Yimchungrs and Tikhirs.

The region ‘remained’ neglected when far away from the Good Governance model of the Double Engine Sarkar. The revised Bill, as passed by the Nagaland Assembly on Sept. 3 (Thursday), says, among other things, that 20 elected MLAs of the Nagaland Legislative Assembly falling in the FNT area shall be ex-officio members of the FNTA without voting rights.

There shall be 40 constituencies covering the FNT region for electing members to the Frontier Nagaland Territorial Authority. Each constituency shall be a single-member territorial constituency.  

Speaking on the Bill, Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio said on Thursday that it has been a “sincere” endeavour of his government that no community or region was “left behind” in the developmental journey.

He maintained that, “due to a combination of geographical challenges and historical factors,” the six districts of eastern Nagaland have “long suffered” from development deficits.

Rio first came to power in 2003 and has been in office since then for a long stint.

Barring a brief spell of President’s Rule on the eve of the 2008 Assembly polls and during his stint as the Lok Sabha MP between May 2014 and March 2018, he has remained at the helm of power.

On Sept. 3 (Thursday), he lamented: “Despite being rich in resources and human capital, these areas have not been able to keep pace with the progress witnessed in other parts of the state.”

Now, it will be important to examine how the FNTA move of the NDA regime impacts politics in Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur.  

Many say that had the Centre inked the Naga Peace Pact after 2019, when “talks were over”, as stated in the Assembly by the then Governor R.N. Ravi, many issues could have been resolved.

In fact, the Naga peace pact did not come because NSCN-IM raised the demand for a Naga flag and a separate Constitution. The Centre has ruled out these demands, with Home Minister Amit Shah reportedly stating that these could not be given in the next 400 years.

Now, analysts feel the option for the ‘Nagas of Manipur’ is not to wait. They should take a cue from ENPO and their brothers and sisters in eastern Nagaland and settle for an arrangement with New Delhi and within the state of Manipur.  

That will be a forward march, says one source in the know of things.  

R N Ravi 

Similar problems remain in parts of Arunachal Pradesh, where there are substantial native Naga tribes.

In February 2026, when the FNTA pact was inked in Delhi in the presence of Home Minister Amit Shah, I had met Chuba Ozukum of the Global Naga Forum in Kohima.

He had sought to warn against partial agreements. “FNT may have come, but Nagas are Nagas. We are one people. The spirit of Nagalim is in our veins. Signing peace pacts with A, B or C will not bring a solution. It must be inclusive and collective,” he said.

The Central government will need to take care of these issues.

Will the face of ‘eastern Nagaland’ change now that FNTA has come? Will top politicians from ‘eastern Nagaland’ now stop investing crores in Dimapur and instead focus on new buildings and houses in their native districts?  

From New Delhi’s perspective, if common Naga people in Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur are not happy, how will they view post-2019 ‘politics’ when a big fuss was made about four things?

One —Shunt out R.N. Ravi, apparently because he raised the bogey of extortion? Two — The Nagaland government insisted on a new interlocutor at the level of Union Minister of State for Home.

This was just a time-killing exercise, as Home Minister Amit Shah himself and the PMO were monitoring the talks when R.N. Ravi and A.K. Mishra were the central emissaries.  

What’s so special about the demand for a Naga flag and sovereignty — something no PM or Home Minister of India can give?  Four —What has happened to ‘Naga unity’ and, now that ‘eastern Nagaland’ has functional autonomy, should the BJP-NPF alliance be given credit or ‘votes’ in the coming 2028 elections?

In a political sense, yet again, the BJP expects to sweep polls in eastern Nagaland — which sends 20 MLAs to the state legislature.

However, there are hurdles and hiccups.

Chief Minister Rio and his NPF party still hold some cards to play — at times in a veiled manner and also openly.

One is the BJP’s strong pro-Hindutva image, and hence it may still need a regional face (Christian) to garner votes for the alliance.

Secondly, Congress MP Supongmeren Jamir may oblige Chief Minister Rio “in an indirect” politics and help bring the Vande Mataram issue back into public debate. This will force the BJP to embrace Rio once again.

The creation of the Frontier Nagaland Territorial Authority (FNTA) marks a significant political and administrative step for eastern Nagaland, but it also opens a larger question for New Delhi: 

--- what happens when one part of the wider Naga-inhabited region gets a new arrangement while Nagas in neighbouring Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh continue to wait for answers? 

The FNTA may address long-standing development deficits in six eastern districts, but its political consequences could extend well beyond Nagaland.

ends 

Sept 5, 2014 ... was first Teachers' Day for Namo as PM :::: "Start preparing for 2024 polls, ..and it means till then I do not have any threat" -- Modi told a Manipur student

"Start preparing for 2024 polls, ..and it means till then I do not have any threat" -- PM Narendra Modi told a Manipur student on Sept 5, 2014 in a televised programme. 

Both 'Manipur' as a state and of course Namo as the Prime Minister have been among the headlines.  

He also had said on that occasion in presence of his 'first' HRD Minister Smriti Irani. -- "In a democracy anyone who wins the confidence of public can become PM, My wishes are with you." 

The young student had asked -- what she should do to become Prime Minister of India !!

Manipur is set to go for polls by March 2027. Modi has crossed the 2024 'hurdle' and has been going strong.  He too faces a crucial electoral challenge in March 2027 -- not in Manipur but in Uttar Pradesh. 

How much has he 'changed' in last 12 years and how much has Modi 'changed' India in his tenure as the Prime Minister. Do not ask Rahul Gandhi -- or the Sickular ecosystem - they would say 'Economy is Dead'. 

Need not ask some TV anchors too. Most of them still do not believe (apparently) that Modi is the Prime Minister since 2014. 

Let's move to diplomacy. 

 The White House wanted India to bow. Instead, Narendra Modi flew to China, shook Xi Jinping’s hand and left Washington sidelined. -- 

The Guardian editorial in 2025. --- It also said  ----  

"......it is in Tianjin, not Washington, where it looks as if the hinge of history is moving.

The SCO is easy to dismiss: the bloc is a bundle of contradictions. India and Pakistan remain adversaries. China and India still stare across a garrisoned Himalayan frontier .....

Came in 2026. The SCO Summit was held recently and again the handshakes and snub to America. Poor Trump was denied 'any credit' by Modi for ceasefire between India and Pakistan and the US president even did not get Nobel Peace prize. 

***

Let's come back to 2014 Teachers' Day -- Modi had said: 

"If I had to gain things I would not come (join politics). Everything is not about 'labh' - profit. Work without any 'labh' and the joy is different". He also urged students to read biographies of great people and great and extra ordinary achievers. 

In 2014, Modi also said: "125 crore people...my family....so I don't get any stress". (Now -- it is 140 crore)

Another pointer from Modi that day was : "Politics is not a profession, its a service". 

Pause. Here we have what Modi said on Sept 5, 2013 as the Gujarat CM

"I never see such dreams (of becoming Prime Minister), nor am I going to see such dreams. People of Gujarat have given me the mandate to serve them till 2017 and I have to do this with full strength”. 

Many thought he was 'withdrawing' albeit temporarily or making the gesture.

Experts also said he had a 'win win' situation. 

A week later on Sept 13, 2013 - Modi was named BJP president Rajnath Singh as the "PM-candidate".

Had he been not named; Modi could have easily said: "I was never keen for it". 

Now let's shift focus to India's growth story and the 'economy' of the nation.  

The World Economic Forum (WEF) has stated about a structural shift in India’s middle-class consumption.  

In terms of data, 93% of urban consumer growth is expected outside the top five cities Mumbai, Bengaluru, New Delhi, Kolkata and Chennai.

Nearly 500 “consumer cities” are likely to emerge in the country. This would mean --- translating to rising incomes and expanding the middle class. All these means -- we have a development and consumer-friendly economic policy approach. 

Take another sensitive zone.  

While international crude benchmarks spiked past $100–$113 per barrel due to disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz, Indian markets and policy makers did enforce -- 

** Tactical containment strategies. 

State-backed mechanisms and delayed pass-throughs helped keep retail petrol and diesel pump prices relatively stable compared to extreme global crude fluctuations.

What was vital for India especially the middleclass was that the full extent of the global oil shock has not travelled directly to the neighbourhood petrol pump.  

This possibly upset the likes of Jai-rahim and their boss in Delhi. But someone worked hard for this.  How? 

-- There are 'buffers' that India has built.

--- * There was a 'rapid shift' in crude suppliers, a sharp cut in fuel taxes.

**  Oil marketing companies absorbed part of the higher cost.

** There were restrictions on fuel exports. This is called management.  But on the other side there was display of economic illiteracy by Modi's detractors. 

The real issues could be --- even as India is growing despite challenges posed by global factors; we may still ask -- are we Indians really feeling the so-called growth. 

What still need closer views are issues such as joblessness, lack of opportunities, what is happening in unorganised sector as against the organised sector and how did the economic crisis of 2026 has been managed.

India is a classic country -- wherein we specialise in comparing apples with oranges. 

ends