Manipur again among headlines ::: CRPF had to open fire to prevent arson of their camp :::: Internet shutdown in 5 districts - Imphal East, Imphal West, Thoubal, Kakching and Bishnupur

 The Manipur government suspended mobile internet for three days across five districts after two children were killed and their mother injured in a likely rocket attack. The incident set off fresh protests and violence in the restive state.

CRPF had to open fire to prevent arson of their camp

The internet shutdown applies to Imphal East, 

Imphal West, Thoubal, 

Kakching and Bishnupur districts.

Video Link 1

A curfew was also clamped in Bishnupur, where the attack took place just after midnight on Tuesday.

The Manipur-based Ukhrul Times reports that -- "At least three people were killed and several others injured after CRPF personnel opened fire during a protest at Tronglaobi in Bishnupur district on Monday.

The incident occurred at Tronglaobi Maning in the Gelmon area, where a large number of people had gathered outside a CRPF camp, protesting the recent attack that killed two minor siblings by suspected Kuki militants and left their mother critically injured."  

A 5-year-old boy and a six-month-old girl were killed in their sleep and their mother was injured when suspected militants lobbed an explosive at their home in Tronglaobi Awang Leikai village in Moirang, a hotbed of unrest between the Meitei and Kuki communities.

The incident sparked protests, with locals torching two oil tankers and a truck near a petrol pump, burning tyres outside a police station and damaging a makeshift police outpost. Security forces were deployed to restore order.

A large mob later stormed a Central Reserve Police Force camp near the foothills of P Gelmol, close to the Bishnupur-Churachandpur border.  

Reports received in Delhi from multiple sources and some informal and still unconfirmed say 

one CRPF camp at Tronglaobi burned down by mob.

- Large sections of the CRPF camp have been set ablaze by the advancing mob. 

Visuals indicate extensive damage to residential quarters and administrative structures within the perimeter.

Facing a direct threat to the weapon armories, which house sophisticated small arms and explosives, security personnel were forced to take defensive measures.

"To prevent the looting of lethal weaponry—which would catastrophic for regional security—personnel deployed controlled firing to push back the mob and secure the remaining tactical assets," a source said. 

Women's Reservation Bill : Nation should remember communist veteran Geeta Mukherjee, who declined I K Gujral's offer to join the ministry in order to pilot that Bill as chairperson of the panel

"Anek mantri toh dekhlam .... mantri hoeye ki korbo; tai neelam na (I have seen enough numbers of ministers in this life. What will I do becoming one; so I declined I K Gujral's request)," the veteran CPI leader Geeta Mukherjee told me around 1999.

I was about one-year-old in Delhi journalism having shifted from Nagaland in 1998 to join Press Trust of India (PTI).  

I had met her in Constitution Club as she had come to attend one seminar on rural development. Her remarks were interesting and I sought her permission to quote her.

Madam Geeta Di declined.

Born 1924 - she was older to my father by years. She laughed  when I said "Madam Geeta Di" ... almost by mistake.

I said: "It is difficult to call you Didi because my father is younger than you". But I added - "My father has been an admirer of you".

Veteran Geeta Di 

   

I was not telling her a lie.

My father used to appreciate Late Geeta Mukherjee's way of speaking in Parliament though he did not get enough video clipping or live telecast of debates by Geeta Mukherjee. 

During our interaction, as soon as she came to know I had come to Delhi having studied and serving in Nagaland for a few years; she recounted the 1996 letter sent to her as chairperson of the Joint Select Committee of Parliament on the Women’s Reservation Bill. 

The letter was from the apex Naga Students' Federation (NSF) and the purpose was to oppose the Bill tooth and nail. In fact, a few weeks before the Nagaland assembly had passed a unanimous resolution opposing the draft law. The pretext was such a legislation was against the tenets of Naga tradition and culture.

In Nagaland assembly, the unanimous resolution was piloted by Parliamentary Affairs Minister Z Lohe and the state chief minister was the illustrious S C Jamir.

"Are they (Nagas) really opposed to the Bill ... what are Naga women doing?," remarked Geeta Mukherjee.

I did not answer anything specific as by 1998-99; even Naga women were not so assertive or determined to push for the law giving them quota. In fact, Nagaland got its first woman legislator elected to the state assembly only in 2023. 

Credit for this has to go the BJP more (especially the high command) though both women legislators elected in 2023 were NDPP nominees. One of them Salhoutuonuo Kruse is now Minister for Women Resource Development and Horticulture. 

First Naga woman Minister Salhoutuonuo Kruse

In 1998-99, while answering my question, Geeta Di had said - "I am serious about this Bill and my women colleagues from different parts of India and all parties practically was determined to see the Bill reach its logical conclusion". 

Of course in 2026 -- as things stand today -- the Modi government under Narendra Modi is showing that determination and probably by April 18th, the Bill will be passed. 

Geeta Mukherjee was unhappy because consensus never seemed 'reachable' on the subject with parties such as the Samajwadi Party and the RJD were strongly opposed to it.

The Janata Dal leader Sharad Yadav too backed those who opposed the Bill and had made his famous remark that such a law would only help "par-kati Mahilaen (women with hair cut or whose wings cannot be slipped)".

But Geeta Mukherjee and others including the likes of Mamata Banerjee (in Congress till 1997) and Sushma Swaraj (BJP) and also the likes of Najma Heptullah and Margaret Alva of Congress were banking on the Left, Congress and BJP to build a majority.

But Mukherjee said it was quite disappointing as these parties also backtracked "using the lack of consensus" as a palatable excuse. 

In 1997 when I K Gujral took over succeeding H D Deve Gowda, Geeta Mukherjee was offered a ministerial berth. But she declined.

In 1997 yet again during the Monsoon Session of Parliament, Geeta Di said in Parliament, “Sir, I would like to inform the House that the hon. Speaker had given us a word of honour that on the 29th July 1997, the `Women’s Reservation Bill’ would be there in the List of Business.” 

On 14 August, 1997, the last day of the Monsoon Session, she had an opportunity to occupy the Chair, being on the panel of presiding officers.

All of a sudden, and practically as soon as she had occupied the chair, Geeta Di declared that the Women’s Reservation Bill would be taken up for discussion. 

Some 'male members' were unhappy apparently.

Technically, a smart move was already done by those who wanted no debate on it. The Women quota Bill had been placed as 'item number 24' in the List, meaning that it would not be taken up at all on that day. 

She was also reminded by Ram Naik (BJP) that proceedings of the House would have to be conducted according to rules. 

Those were the days: Nitish Kumar, Sharad Yadav and Lalu Prasad 

The Nitish Kumar angle

After Geeta Mukherjee it was Nitish Kumar’s turn to be on the Chair. Now, as a member Geeta Mukherjee demanded discussion on the Women’s Bill. 

Nitish Kumar could only assure her that an opportunity would be given to her after business under Rule 377 was over. 

But after that it was time for the Private Members’ Bills and generally a text book man, Nitish Kumar said he could not do anything. 

This had left Geeta Mukherjee annoyed and she quickly appealed to women members irrespective of party affiliation to stage a walkout in protest.

She first walked out of the House with five other Left and Congress women MPs. 

Incidentally, Sushma Swaraj of BJP chose not to join them but slipped out later almost quietly.

There was another interesting facet as 'bhadralok' neta; Priya Ranjan Dasmunshi,  then MP from Howrah also left the House in support of his women colleagues. 

On one occasion speaking to journalists after facing 'defeat' in Parliament, Geeta Di was almost in moist eyes and had said, 

“Even when my husband died, I was brave. But today, I’ve been reduced to tears.”  

She had married Biswanath Mukherjee, a legendary communist leader, way back in 1942. In fact, she was physically weak herself after a heart surgery in the 1980s.

In one of the parliamentary reports the Geeta Mukherjee-led panel in Report of the Joint Select Committee of Parliament, expressed strong objections to sub-reservation or quota within 33% quota, 

The refrain was there was no precedent or move for (general) OBC reservation in Legislative bodies or Panchayats and that the problem could be easily solved without reservation if OBC women could be put up in OBC-dominated constituencies by all political parties. (Geeta Mukherjee-led Joint Select Committee Report, 1997).   

Tail piece

During the stint of Atal Bihari Vajpayee as the Prime Minister; there was a mini fiasco as even after the PM had assured the Women Reservation Bill was not introduced. Geeta Mukherjee and a few others had then compared Vajpayee with I K Gujral -- both the leaders were described as 'good leaders' in 'bad parties'. 

Earlier around 1997, the bill could not be piloted when I K Gujral was the Prime Minister. 

I K Gujral, Vajpayee, George Fernandes and L K Advani 

ends 

 

Touts still taking advantage of unfenced areas along India-Bangladesh border to undertake infiltration ::: Alarm in Assam, West Bengal ..Infiltration spike before polls !!

The central agencies have alerted law and order enforcing agencies including CAPF and state police in both Assam and West Bengal to carry out heavy scrutiny, as the 'infiltration' push that is being made is reportedly very big.

It could run into several thousands of illegal immigrants, and the biggest push would be made before the voting is complete. 

There has been a massive push to send illegal immigrants into Assam and West Bengal, in a clear sign that attempts are being made to vitiate the atmosphere in these states as elections are set to be held. 

The alert comes after the Railway Protection Force (RPF) arrested 14 Bangladeshi infiltrators in West Bengal’s Jalpaiguri district on the New Delhi-bound North-East Express train. The agencies are further probing on whose advice these people had come to India and what their purpose was. 

Reportedly during interrogation, 14 arrested people revealed that they came in through the Assam border using fake documents and had planned on going to New Delhi and some other parts of north India. 

Of course it is a matter of deep concern that why and how many people are managing to enter the country when the security at the India-Bangladesh border is supposedly so tight.  

Out of the 4,061-kilometre border, around 3,141 kilometres remain unfenced. 

West Bengal shares a 2,216-kilometre border, of which 569 is unfenced. 

The 'unfencing' in West Bengal is largely blamed on non-cooperation of the Mamata Govt which allegedly did not provide land.

In the case of Assam, the fencing has been difficult due to marshlands, hills and riverine areas. 

Over 900 kilometres of the total border is riverine, where fencing is impossible. 

These riverine areas had provided 'escape routes' to many Awami League supporters ad workers especially Hindus to flee Bangladesh during the peak of anti-Sheikh Hasina protest and immediately after the interim regime had taken over the charge of administration in Bangladesh.   

Infiltration from Bangladesh into India is a significant national security and political issue, characterized by illegal border crossings for economic migration, smuggling, and seeking refuge. As of April 2026, the situation remains a top priority for Indian security agencies. 

In 2025, the India-Bangladesh border recorded its highest number of infiltration attempts in nearly a decade, with 1,104 detected attempts and 2,556 arrests made between January and November. This surpassed the 977 cases reported in 2024.

Recent spikes are attributed to political instability in Bangladesh following the 2024 government change, economic challenges such as high food inflation (reaching 14.10% in mid-2024), and sectarian tensions.

India shares a 4,096 km border with Bangladesh, of which approximately 79% is currently fenced. About 850 km remains unfenced, including 175 km of difficult riverine and swampy terrain that is geographically impossible to secure with traditional barriers.  

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during a rally in Assam, made it clear that illegal immigration is not just an election slogan but an issue that is related to Assam’s identity and security of both the state and the nation. The PM said that it affects the land of farmers, the livelihoods of the poor and Adivasis, and the security of women.

Modi also reiterated his claims in multiple rallies that the Congress party was supporting 'infiltrators' in Assam. The PM also urged the BJP workers in the state to collect details of illegal entry and encroachments by Bangladeshis "and find out the megative impacts" of the same. 

"Central forces would not be withdrawn from Bengal": Supreme Court after ECI flags Mamata video  

The Election Commission on Monday furnished in the Supreme Court videos purportedly showing Mamata Banerjee and other Trinamool leaders telling voters they would be beaten up by the central forces deployed by the top court.

After a brief look, an apparently annoyed Supreme Court made oral observation stating the central forces “would not be withdrawn” from West Bengal. 

Central forces will not be withdrawn from West Bengal looking at the way things have happened in past, says SC.

Counsel D. Seshadri Naidu, representing the poll panel before a bench headed by Chief Justice Surya Kant that was hearing an SIR case on April 6, alleged that the Trinamool leaders were misleading voters about the central forces.

Solicitor-general Tushar Mehta, appearing for the Centre, intervened to say that “democracy was in danger” in Bengal.  

The Election Commission handed over to the Supreme Court a speech allegedly made by West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee telling people "the CRPF people are coming from UP to beat you up, be prepared."

Naidu said: "The rabble rousing will only vitiate the atmosphere"

CJI Surya Kant remarked - "if the state machinery fails then we will see what to do".  

“Looking at the way things have happened in the recent past, the central forces will not be withdrawn from West Bengal. If the state machinery fails to discharge its duty, we will see what should be done,” Justice Kant orally observed.

He said a communication from Calcutta High Court Chief Justice Sujoy Paul had said that as of noon on Monday, 59.15 lakh of the 60.06 lakh cases under adjudication had been disposed of by the judicial officers.

A study claims disproportionality between the Muslim share of the electorate and the community’s share among deleted voters in Nandigram in the East Midnapore district.

In 2021 Assembly poll, BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari humbled Mamata Banerjee in the seat. Adhikari is contesting again this time besides Bhawanipore from where the TMC supremo is seeking re-election.  

The BJP leaders say: "We are confident of Suvendu winning from both the seats Nandigram and Bhawanipore. Voters in Bhawanipore will create a national record when Mamata Banerjee will become the first sitting Indian CM to lose assembly election twice". 

ends    

Vadh-2 :::: 'apne hisab se jee rahan hoon" ::::: It does not talk about only a 'finished product' ::::: It redefines a Paradox --- 'divided by Freedom; and United by Shackles' :::: And more ... the film explores intersection of love, repentance, karma ....

Like our day-to-day life -- a thriller move even as a work of fiction is a 'raw material' and not necessarily the finished product.

Ask the protagonists in Vadh-2 -- a latest Bollywood product starring Neena Gupta and Sanjay Mishra --- each one of them could have different plans to end the woes of their lives.

In fact, each may have different definitions too.   

There are several Hindi films exploring the intersection of love, repentance, karma, and violence. But it is also a crime thriller and therein lies its strength. Vadh-2 directed by Jaspal Singh Sandhu perhaps also underlines the importance of fate and how in the ultimate all of us have to 'reconcile' to realities. 

Neena Gupta playing Manju --- says almost philosophically-- “Kya pata, ab toh inke beech rehna accha lagta hai. Kam se kam apne hisaab se toh jee rahi hoon (Who knows, maybe I actually enjoy being around the jail inmates now. I do not know what will I do with freedom... At least within four walls of jail; I am living life on my own terms".  

It's not a meek surrender. It is a strong determination. 

Her this statement is also like -- tell you stories about journalists. 

Often we also do not know what to do with freedom. Should we be freelancers ...bloggers --- not sure enough how will one manage child's college fees. 

Should we join one political party or the other and end up becoming -- Rajya Sabha MPs ... or some glorified typists somewhere ? 

In the end one can say - 'apne hisab se jee toh rahan hoon'.

Later in Vadh-2; the story comes out -- Manju was jailed on a false charge of twin murder. The original culprit - a cop - Prakash Singh (played by Kumud Mishra) - as life would turn it - comes to the same prison where innocent Manju (Neena Gupta) is cooling her heels  - aging ...frail but determined. 

The film has other elements. The ominous and hydra-headed  caste system. 

The jailor Kumund Mishra (playing Prakash Singh) is touchy about 'jaat' so much that he even asks his official driver -- "Chauhan sahab ... kaisey Chauhan ho .... and the response is 

"unchi wali sir". 

Apparently happy to know that -- Prakash Singh tells his driver "Toh jaldi chalayiye". 

Special investigator Ateet Singh (Amitt K Singh) 

The interaction between two police officers at the climax scene is also scripted ear-on-ground. As probe officer shows evidence that Prakash Singh had murdered someone and kept the body in the backyards of his official quarter; the casteist Prakash loses cool -

"Do you think I am an idiot to murder and keep the body behind my own quarter. Did you come to the police through quota (reservation)," says an angry Prakash Singh. 

The cop's die-hard hatred for 'other castes' is one of the causes of problems in the film. Prakash Singh is shown in a reflective scene murdering his niece and her husband (of different caste) in rage. 

Shambhunath Mishra slowly forms an unexpected, platonic bond with Manju as the two find themselves sharing long conversations and mutual understanding in the oppressive environment.

Protagonists Shambhunath (a jail constable - 59 and counting days for retirement) and Manju (Neena Gupta) highlights the power of Platonic love. At the end of the time, Shambhunath (Sanjya Mishra) -- even says "we have lived our time of tgetherness". Here love is not measured by the wed-lock or numbers of years together.   

They are 'United by Shackles' -- when in jail (one in service and Manju as inmate). They talk about loneliness and count stars -- both from two sides of the wall. But they have fear of Freedom as they would be divided. 

And when it comes to celebrating his birthday; Shambhunath passes a bottle of alcohol to Manju. And when it comes to sharing her part of the tale - she smiles mysteriously as nother inmate teases her saying Shambhunath is "ashiq" of Manju.  

Is life so difficult and love so simple, so easy ? 

There are shortcomings certainly. 

The local MLA' brother goes missing from the prison. But the matter doesnot appear serious or sensitive.

The cops, more or less, don't seem to feel pressure about the whole incident; or perhaps they all feel relieved. Something must be missing in the plot nevertheless in an intriguing thriller. 

ends 

".. so-called first family of Congress, royal family in Delhi, is the most corrupt family in the country," - PM Modi in poll-bound Assam

 Addressing a public rally at Moran Polo (near Dibrugarh, Assam) 

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said: "Let me tell you what the true land grab is. The so-called first family of Congress, the royal family that lives in Delhi, is the most corrupt family in the country. 

They are the real land ATMs. 

These people are accused of grabbing land worth thousands of crores of rupees in major cities like Delhi and Mumbai through the National Herald Scam. Cases are ongoing in court regarding this." 

"There is the Rajiv Gandhi Charitable Trust, which is accused of grabbing land allotted for industries. There is the Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund, which has also been sued for grabbing land in prime locations in Delhi. This is the misdeed of the royal family. And then they come here and make false allegations against others...".

PM Modi said: 

"I see a large number of young people here in this gathering. These young friends may not remember Assam before 2001. The Numaligarh to Dibrugarh highway is an example of how Congress neglected Assam. This highway was approved in 2005, but nothing was done on it until 2013. 

At that time, the Congress government was in power at the centre... 

Both Upper Assam and Barakwali were forgotten by the Congress. That's why Assam remained so divided under Congress rule. Congress neglected you... Now, look at today's picture. 

A few days ago, the whole world witnessed the grand scene of Moran, when fighter jets landed on the highway built by the BJP-NDA government. 

I myself landed on the road from an Air Force plane. 

Ten years ago, the people of Assam had to plead for roads to be built, at least so that vehicles could run. Today, highways have been built where not only cars but even airplanes can land...". 

“We are freeing Upper Assam from the influence of the Congress. Decades of Congress misrule paid little attention to connectivity in Assam. 

"Be it the Bogibeel Bridge, the Bhupen Hazarika Setu, the Jorhat–Majuli bridge, or other bridges being built over the Brahmaputra and other rivers, all of these are taking connectivity in the region to new heights... I can see a large number of youngsters here. 

"Many of them may not clearly remember what Assam was like before 2016, or how the Congress neglected the state. An example of this neglect is the Numaligarh–Dibrugarh highway. 

This highway was approved in 2005, but little progress was made until 2013, when the Congress was in power at the Centre."

"Malda episode was motivated, pre planned .... We also want to see this to logical end" ::::: "CRPF people are coming from UP to beat you up" ::::: NIA probe and Malda Gherao .... CJI Surya Kant says: if the state machinery fails then we will see what to do.:::: "....strong obstinate character of bureaucracy"

CJI Surya Kant:

"Malda episode was motivated, pre planned and deeply instigating in nature. 

We also want to see this to the logical end". 

It's a Suo Motu case on blockade and gherao faced by judicial officers in Malda to  plea challenging the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in West Bengal,

CJI Surya Kant led bench commences hearing 

Central forces will not be withdrawn from West Bengal looking at the way things have happened in past, says SC.

Let's create atmosphere where tribunals can maximise their outputs with regard to disposal of appeals: CJI Surya Kant.

CJI: This very strong obstinate character of bureaucracy we are facing it in other states also

Election Commission hands over to the Supreme Court a speech allegedly made by West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee telling people "CRPF people are coming from UP to beat you up, be prepared."

Advocate Naidu on behalf of ECI: The rabble rousing will only vitiate the atmosphere

CJI: if the state machinery fails then we will see what to do. 

"...the Chief Secretary and other officers are present online. We hope that the officers have now well understood the sense of responsibility in which they were expected to respond and provide assistance to the Chief Justice of High Court when judicial officers were made hostages" - Supreme Court 

Supplementary list of remaining voters will be published tonight, Election Commission tells Supreme Court. 

Justice Bagchi -- ... security so high that even the Chief Justice of Calcutta High Court cannot access? So please lower yourself (to state chief secretary) a bit so ordinary minions like the Chief Justice of High Court can access".  

CJI Suryakant: 

Let the police machinery extend complete cooperation to the chief justice while the SIR is on

Justice Bagchi: "...they (SP and DM) were watching it. When we asked why no action.. the SP said woman were there what can we do. 

This is the level of preparedness and intelligence. It was only because of timely intervention of chief justice of India that something very untoward was avoided that night."

**

Chief Secretary : "I am extremely apologetic". 

Justice Bagchi: "Issue an apology to the Chief Justice of the Calcutta High Court".

CJI Kant: "... Sheer failure of both you and your administration. Because of your lack of action Election Commission of India is kept in the dust".

CJI: "You don't communicate to the Election Commission of India which is entrusted with giving directions to you in cases of emergency like this and this missing link created so much of difficulty and disturbance in the state. 

What kind of credibility is this?

Hema Malini, Kangana Ranaut to campaign aggressively in Bengal :::: Mamata Banerjee is in danger of contracting 'Rahul Gandhi syndrome' .... -- tendency to blame all others for a poor show !!

The BJP announced a list of 40 star campaigners for the Bengal assembly elections, featuring MPs Hema Malini and Kangana Ranaut, alongside prominent leaders like Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister Amit Shah, and UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath.

The list also include Mithun Chakraborty, Leander Paes, Smriti Irani, Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma, Delhi CM Rekha Gupta and also chief ministers of Maharashtra Devendra Fadnavis and Tripura Manik Saha. Among the BJP leaders in the state are Dilip Ghosh, Suvendu Adhikari and Samik Bhattacharya (state unit president).  

Is TMC’s “Jabar Bela” finally here? 

Meanwhile in West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee expected people to raise hands when she posed a question about SIR; but the crowd’s silence at that rally suggests 'Mamata's Jabar bela is no longer unthinkable'

File snap of Mamata's 'achhey din' 

Utter Nervousness and Frustration grips 'gimmick queen' of Bengal 

TMC chief has already warned of possible tampering with Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs). 

Addressing the press conference in Kolkata; Mamata Banerjee said, “The BJP is not just bringing in voters from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. They are bringing in crowds of paid supporters from those states. 

And along with them, they are trying to import the worst elements of their culture into Bengal.”  

Ground Zero

From Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury being heckled off the campaign trail to NIA investigators reconstructing a judicial hostage crisis in Malda — and a Mamata Banerjee rally where the crowd refused to perform on cue.  

Something shifted in West Bengal this week. 

Three incidents — a veteran former MP heckled off a street corner, seven judges held hostage in a BDO office, and a crowd that fell silent when Mamata Banerjee needed them to cheer — are individually significant. 

Together, they read like a pattern.

The phrase doing the rounds in Bengal’s political corridors is Jabar Bela — literally, the time to go. 

Whether that time has truly arrived for the Trinamool Congress in the 2026 Assembly elections is the question every political observer in Kolkata is now asking.

Modi with Key Bengal BJP leaders 

On Saturday morning, veteran Congress leader and five-time former Lok Sabha MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury was campaigning near BT College in ward 19 of Behrampore town when a group of Trinamool Congress supporters, reportedly led by party councillor Bhiswadeb Karmakar, surrounded his convoy and began raising slogans of “Adhir Chowdhury go back.”  

The sloganeering escalated into a face-off between the two camps. Chowdhury cut short his campaign and left — this, despite the presence of central forces at the site.

The optics were damaging on multiple levels. Central forces deployed to ensure free and fair campaigning stood by while a five-term MP was driven off a public street by political muscle. And the target was not an obscure local figure. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Chowdhury was defeated in Baharampur by TMC nominee Yusuf Pathan — a former cricket star from Gujarat parachuted into Bengal specifically to unseat him. He lost. He is back. And he is still being heckled.

The incident poses an uncomfortable question for Rahul Gandhi and the Congress high command: what exactly do they intend to say about secularism and “vote-theft” politics in West Bengal, and when?

The Rally Moment That Told a Bigger Story

But perhaps the most politically revealing incident of the week happened not in a courtroom or on a campaign street — it happened at a TMC election rally.

Mamata Banerjee, addressing supporters, asked the gathering: 

“How many of you stood in long lines for SIR?” 

She expected a forest of raised hands. She got silence. She repeated the question. Still silence. She reportedly said, with visible puzzlement: “What happened, why so silent?”  

Then came what can only be described as the Rahul Gandhi variety of political instinct — the retreat to a familiar grievance when the current one fails to land. She pivoted: “How many of you stood in long lines during demonetisation?” The crowd responded.

The moral is plain. The SIR drive, whatever its actual impact on the ground, has not registered as an outrage in the popular imagination the way the 2016 note-ban did. Mamata read the room — but only after the room had already told her something uncomfortable.

This is what happens to demagogues in the middle-age of their political dominance. The crowd sense — that extraordinary ability to feel what a gathering feels before it knows it itself — begins to slip. It happened to others. It is happening in Bengal in 2026.

Mamata Banerjee is in danger of contracting what might be called the Rahul Gandhi syndrome: 

the tendency to blame all others for a poor show while remaining blind to what the mirror is saying. 

In Rahul Gandhi’s case, it produced years of post-defeat analysis that pointed everywhere except inward. In Mamata’s case, the 2026 election may be producing a similar reckoning — except that she, unlike Gandhi, actually runs a government and therefore has far more to lose.  

The Jabar Bela may not have arrived. But the crowd’s silence at that rally suggests it is no longer unthinkable.