India that every Indian envisages for
A little bit more than patriotism. A little bit lower than jingoism. --- Nirendra Dev
Monday, October 12, 2026
Supreme Court registry flags 14 defects in Opposition petitions :::: Arrogance still driving Congress :::: The Congress's attack on the highest judicial authority in the country drew a sharp response from the BJP, which accused the party of attempting to undermine constitutional institutions :::: "All Anti-India gangs are joining hands. All patriotic Indians will also come together" - Rijiju
One major fallout of 2026 'season of protests' :::::: No more protests at Jantar Mantar, Govt designates 3 other sites in Delhi :::: From 'Jantar Mantar dharnas to freelance status' -- now 2026 --- residing in Ghaziabad .... "ND has come a long way"
If I opt to go 'personal' yet again -- and in first person ... I must start this piece ... with my favourite statement as a 'victim' of Delhi's Jugadu politics in journalism -- Press Trust of India (PTI)....
From 'Jantar Mantar Dharna to freelance status' -- now 2026 --- residing in Ghaziabad .... "ND has come a long way" :::: Quote - Unquote !!
No more protests at Jantar Mantar,
Modi Government designates 3 other sites in Delhi
The order comes amid a standoff between the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) and Delhi Police over permission to hold a peaceful protest at Jantar Mantar.
The CJP leaders walked out of Parliament Street police station on Monday, reiterating their demand for a protest date and seeking an explanation for the denial of permission.
During one of those protests by AAP, a man committed suicide too. On April 22, 2015, a 40-year-old farmer named Gajendra Singh Kalyanwat from Rajasthan's Dausa district died by suicide by hanging from a tree during an Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) anti-land acquisition rally at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi.
![]() |
| Vajpayee era protest : Oct 1998 --- Minorities found it a fashionable only to get Modi era in 2014 |
(some of these snaps are from 'Hindustan Times' )
A group of 20 people would walk raising slogans - "Bal Thackeray hosh mein aao" . Often things looked comical too.
![]() |
| Protest in 1995 - P V Narasimha Rao era |
In October 2017, the National Green Tribunal (NGT) accepted a complaint by residents of Jantar Mantar Road, noting that demonstrations had become continuous and were causing noise and air pollution, sanitation problems and disruption to their daily lives. The NGT order was challenged in the Supreme Court by the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan and other appellants, including organisations representing farmers and ex-servicemen, as well as an individual protester.
The latest change follows the Supreme Court’s October 9 observations that Delhi should consider a larger alternative site with basic facilities, including toilets, drinking water, medical assistance and space for emergency access.
On personal front .... when I was attached to Reporting Unit in PTI headquarters, I took it as a challenge and opportunity.
Most Delhi colleagues and bosses were impressed by my Hindi (as I had two weakness fronts - a Bong and studied and worked in north east).
So it started ... "Jantar Mantar hae toh ... ND ko bhej do".
ND name also stuck. At times a few Intelligence Bureau officials (now retired) would affectionately call me "ND".
The venue was not far .... but Delhi's Summer made things difficult for someone -- who is scared of heat, heatwave and an unhospitable weather for taking lunch.
Banana was a rescuer. We met friends and some friendships have stuck.
Nevertheless - challenge was fun ... but slowly I realised --- Delhi's jugadu game was on. In PTI's "inside politics" - it meant - assignments to Jantar Mantar - were to be like punishment.
Reason : "He acts over smart ....". This was one factor.
More so; soon PTI boss - M K Razdan stared saying in meetings : "ND is a man for all seasons".
kaafi tha ..... Jalan industry was to work in the orgaisation of average and below average jokers.
Razdan sahab (MKR) was himself workaholic ... so - he was not a problem per se.
But he was gheraoed by chamchas.
Most others were doing their jobs. Now deceased - Sujit Chatterjee (son of a gentleman senior journalist) knew to be a ready-competitor driven by Delhi's insecurity.
There were other jokers around - a few in Congress beat. A few were from LLD-club, 'do jasoos' kareh mehsoos .... Duniya bari kharab hae.
There was one - "Angrez ke jamane ke jailor" - he declined to use computers.
There came a time - female colleagues used to joke - "Are you looking for ND, he must be at Jantar Mantar".
According to a standing order dated October 11, 2026, the three newly designated venues are Ramlila Ground in Old Delhi, CBD Ground in East Delhi and Burari Ground in North Delhi.
Notably, these three sites are 3 kms, 13.5 kms, and 44 kms away from Jantar Mantar located in Central Delhi respectively.
Now another ND or Ruata (HCV from PTI Aizawl) coming to Delhi PTI -- may have to be deputed to Burari ground. What a pity !!
The reference to Ruata ( Vanlalruata - now Times of India Aizawl bureau man) reminds of a lighter moment.
One Delhi girl (future Mrs Kaul) told him - "Young boy can you do this copy ?". My friend's Hmar spirit was up -- he retorted : "Young lady, I am not a boy. I have a daughter of your age".
I had given a story about women Naga insurgents. The 'Delhi Desk lady' -- whose life began in Punjabi Bagh and possibly will end with the 'Punjabi Bagh' mentality, told me when I meet the Naga women insurgents "Next time", I should get their snaps and also ask a few "uncomfortable questions".
She passed the typical 'Aurangzeb variety' of a verdict -- "You are glorifying Naga insurgency".
Back in Nagaland - I was the 'plain manu' ... even suspected to be on Govt of India's payroll as to them PTI -- also was a sarkari affair. Life had taken a full circle, I thought.
I kept mum for a while and then simply had to tell told her, the insurgent ladies were not my girl friends. Ruata - of course - congratulated me and said: "Tonight's dinner is in Mizoram House".

M K Razdan : PTI -'don' of our times- Who said : "ND is man for all seasons"

Manipur's Kamjong .... Killing spree continues ::::: Joint Tribes Council (JTC-Manipur) refuses to proceed with post-mortem until "missing head" is recovered :::: Two Tangkhul Family Members Among Nine Confirmed Dead
At least five people were killed and several others injured in separate incidents last week in Kamjong district in Manipur.
Kamjong Police, however, dismissed reports circulating on social media that the Kamjong Police Station was burnt.
Three Kuki individuals and one Tangkhul civilian were killed in separate incidents during the violence. The deceased woman has been identified as Domkhonei Touthang, wife of Lallenmung Touthang of Chassad. The identities of two other suspected Kuki armed individuals have yet to be officially confirmed, although sources indicated that one of them was from Chassad village.
Two Tangkhul Family Members Among Nine Confirmed Dead in Manipur Clashes
Two members of a Tangkhul Naga family were among nine confirmed and identified victims of the communal violence that erupted in Manipur late Friday night, according to sources.Manipur travel guide
The two victims have been identified as Leishisan Hungyo and his nephew, Ngachanso Ningshen, both from Ningchou village in Kamjong district. Leishisan is survived by his wife and four children, while Ngachanso leaves behind his wife and two young children.
According to villagers, the two were killed in an alleged ambush attack on the village by suspected Kuki militants at around 8.30 am on Saturday. The circumstances surrounding the incident have not been independently verified.
The mortal remains of the deceased were reportedly taken to Kamjong District Hospital for post-mortem examination. Sources said the Tangkhul Naga Long (TNL) is expected to organise a funeral programme on Sunday before the bodies are taken to their native village for the final rites.
Ningchou is a Tangkhul Naga village in Kamjong district, located around 10 km from the Indo-Myanmar border.
It shares a border with Phaikoh, a Kuki village. The surrounding area has settlements belonging to both Naga and Kuki communities, making it vulnerable amid the ongoing communal tensions
The headless body of Ajinbou Ringkangmai, one of the victims of the killings at Makui Asang and Tapon Naga villages, arrived at the mortuary of the Jawaharlal Nehru Institute of Medical Sciences (JNIMS) in Imphal around midnight on Sunday.
On October 10, 2026, an attack at Makui Asang (also known as Makui Ashang Liangmai Naga) village in the Kangpokpi district of Manipur resulted in the deaths of Liangmai Naga villagers amid escalating regional violence.
The Joint Tribes Council (JTC-Manipur) has refused to proceed with the post-mortem examination until his missing head is recovered and handed over to his family for a dignified burial.
ANSAM, Makui Village Authority Condemn Killing of Six Nagas, Demand Probe
The All Naga Students’ Association, Manipur (ANSAM), and the Makui Village Authority have condemned the killing of six Naga men in separate incidents in Kangpokpi and Kamjong districts on October 9 and 10, alleging the involvement of Kuki armed groups and demanding a high-level investigation.
In separate statements issued on Sunday, the ANSAM and Makui VA reported four deaths in attacks at Makui and Tapon villages in Kangpokpi district on October 10, and two more at Ningchao in Kamjong district.
"Messages aten haen ...". ::::: Has he fallen sick ??? .... Rahul Gandhi claims CEC Gyanesh Kumar gives him "messages" ::::: This is what is called being a "habitual liar"
Love for headline is making the dynast crazy.
Rahul Gandhi has turned a "habitual liar".
He now says CEC Gyanesh Kumar sends him missives. "Messages aten haen ...".
Sunday, October 11, 2026
Why Voters may not rescue Congress from its "own irrelevance" ??? :::: Congress has lost more than 99 elections under Rahul ::: Protest drama is a tool to save dynasty ::: Panic is dressed up as outrage :::::: Dynastic entitlement and foreign influence need scrutiny
The ecosystem believes in the power of being anti-Modi.
Hence the target is chief election commissioner Gyanesh Kumar.
The EVM misuse theory of Rahul Gandhi did no work beyond a point.
So, now comes the attack on the Election Commission itself.
See, how the stance has changed. In 2018, Congress demanded 'bogus names' be removed from voter rolls. Sachin Pilot, Rahul Gandhi and veteran Kamalnath and others too were vocal.
Kamalnath had claimed in Madhya Pradesh there were 60 lakh voters. In Rajasthan, Sachin Pilot had said there are multiple voters with the same name and the same father's name.
But in circa 2026. the Congress is essentially furious that voter rolls are being cleaned.
Simply because it no longer gets to set the terms and has lost more than 99 elections, the panic is being dressed up as outrage.
In Nagaon and Silchar in Assam; the saffron party did well. The BJP and NDA overall put up a good show in West Bengal, Assam and Puducherry. Hence, on ground zero; where the support actually matters, the "blowing winds tell you a different story" -- says Mahesh Jathmalani.
He has ventilated his anguish by stating that -- "BJP is winning at the ballot box. Congress is winning arguments with it's clown prince and a few thugs," -as per his missive on X.
Jethmalani and other BJP leaders point out how BJP Swept Nandigram bypoll in West Bengal with record margins. The Lotus party did well in Muslim-dominated Rejinagar, Murshidabad:
Please note - 1,29,914 votes came for BJP -- that is about 63 per cent of the votes polled and the winning margin was 75,816.
On this backdrop, Jethmalani says in another tweet: "And Congress? Nowhere in the contest that actually counts, while Rahul Gandhi’s party keeps delivering lectures on why everyone else’s mandate is illegitimate".
Perhaps the Congress needs to spend a little less time demanding that elected governments be dissolved and a little more time persuading the voters to elect Congress candidates even in Muslim-stronghold areas.
Jethmalani has a key pointer - "Voters are not obliged to rescue Congress from its own irrelevance".
Now on the text book of election rules, the EVM and SIR exercise.
The law and the rules are clear about one thing -- a name flagged in a draft electoral roll is not automatically a final deletion. This must be understood. The process allows claims, objections, verification and finalisation before the final electoral roll is prepared.
Think of the draft electoral roll as a verification stage—not the final verdict. Entries identified for possible issues can be examined and always corrected before the final roll is published.
Around 20 lakh Booth Level Agents (BLAs) were given access to draft-roll information. Political-party representatives therefore have an opportunity to examine entries and raise claims or objections during the revision process.
The voter-roll revision process is not only digital. BLOs conduct house-to-house verification.
A database entry and a legal decision are not the same thing. Electoral Registration Officers have statutory responsibilities in preparing and revising electoral rolls; digital systems support the process.
If a voter’s name is flagged during revision, what follows next:
--- verification, claims, objections and finalisation.
A draft-stage flag should not automatically be described as permanent removal. Electoral rolls are continuously updated. Eligible citizens who are missing from the roll can use Form 6 to seek enrolment, including first-time voters and people whose names were previously missed.
The crux of the issue is those who are supporting the CJP or the Congress-led protest are doing it for different reasons. A large number of Muslim and Christian voters simply hate Narendra Modi because of his pro-Hindutva tilt.
Often, this hatred comes with ignorance and with the success of the propaganda machines.
At the same time, an important message is -- the dynasties can keep polishing their victimhood argument and speeches. The are yet to win the argument with the voter.
It is well known that the Congress party spent years treating Muslim voters as 'granted' and an inheritance. But what happened in Nagaon is a proof that the BJP has worked hard. And hence, the Congress could not inherit even a second place.
People of Nagaon have shown lack of confidence in Rahul as well as on Gaurav Gogoi - who is also a dynast.
In Nagaon, the Congress came third; the BJP nominee won and Badruddin Ajmal’s AIUDF finished second.
See the vote share in Rejinagar in West Bengal - Congress scraped together 6,168 votes.
The BJP won by 75,816 votes with 63.14% of the vote and Humayun Kabir’s AJUP came second.
Important take away is - "The Congress’s claim to be the indispensable protector of Muslims is falling apart", says Jethmalani.
We do not need rocket science to understand that. Some voters are choosing regional alternatives and others are willing to vote for Modi's Double Engine. The West Bengal mandate of 2026 is a case in point.
Importantly, Rejinagar mandate is actually an electoral lesson.
In a constituency reported to have 70% Muslim population, the pro-Hindutva outfit recorded a decisive win. Importantly yet again, this time BJP's campaign was on development.
Hence, one big lesson is things are changing on ground and most intellectuals are declining to read this message chiefly because of their antagonism against the rise of the Modi-Amit Shah duo.
The assumption we had that religious identity will determine 'political loyalty' is no longer true in many states and deserve a serious rethink.
People have issues with the BJP. But the voters also have aspirations. They want employment, good roads, hospitals, education and infrastructure. In Assam; voters say -- they were entitled to judge governments by delivery -- with or without Hindutva issues.
In other words; they do not want to be "captive audiences and voters" for somebody’s warnings.
People are disapproving dynasties as well.
The Nehru-Gandhi family, Mamata Banerjee’s Bhaip-centred politics, the Yadavs in Bihar and UP and Pawars and Thackerays in Maharashtra offer the same gameplan that
--- a political organisation is singularly committed to preserve a family’s position.
A political party is not a family estate. Succession planning need not work. And political workers need not be family retainers and sycophant courtiers.
Voters opted for TMC in 2011 and when their expectations failed; they are with the BJP today.
They are expected to renew the lease every five years. Of course, in case of Nagaland - Bolero power has been influencing the mandate. Even with zero and perhaps even negative performance - the BJP-NPF regime may yet again win elections in 2028.
But an 'alternative' is always important in politics.
The Congress can do well in Nagaland provided the organisation leadership stops doing unwritten business with the ruling alliance in Kohima.
But at the national level; if an alternative wins - say West Bengal - the allegation surfaced that institution of EC is compromised.
That the election is illegitimate.
For Congress, the single most cause of failure is its failure to offer alternative political, administrative and development programmes. Negativity is doing a case of mercy killing for itself.
Democracy’s 'emergency' - to save India from Modi - actually coincides with the dynasty’s electoral emergency.
The same reasons apply to regional parties. Thus dynasties are giving way to nationalist politics and here people are making a choice between the Congress and the BJP.
But we have a bigger challenge. It is apprehended that leadership of some parties and "dynasties" having served own bank balance is now assisted by foreign powers. The Deep State and other forces are offering money to shape Indian political debate.
We may sound alarmist - but this so-called dynastic entitlement and overseas influence needs scrutiny. FCRA Bill can help in this.
ends
Will Left remain relevant ???? ::::: Of 'Diminished' Congress, Rahul Gandhi's "insincerity" and the grounded Comrades ::: There's more to it .... downward slippery journey of Left and grand old party has also unnerved Muslims and Christians !!
Historians often liken the Hindu civilisation for having shared 'affinities' at the very initial stage with Mesopotamia.
But the respective journey and growth trajectories have been different. Hence as and when the Indian National Congress and Communist growths are discussed, we have to see why both have lost ground.
This brings us to debate a very important chapter of Indian politics. The shrinkage of bases of the Congress party and the Indian Communists have also largely created ground for the growth of Hindu fundamentalist forces, like the BJP.
There is yet another important lesson of politics.
Even the rise of regionalist stars like Mamata Banerjee have a typical reasoning of poor performance by the Congress and the Communists.
In the 2021 polls, the Trinamool Congress' 200-plus haul would not have been possible had not Congress and Leftists lost all their seats. This downward slippery journey of Indian communists and Congress have also unnerved minorities such as Muslims and Christians.
The decline is not only electoral but also in exerting influence on the sociopolitical mindset.
In the regions where the Congress and the comrades lost their grip, the pro-Hindu BJP has gained ground.
Of course the 'Moditva phenomenon' always helped BJP is states such as West Bengal in 2026.
In recent by-elections Congress found itself deserted by Muslim voters in Nagaon assembly polls and also Silchar municipal polls --- where the voting was done by ballot papers.
In Nagaon, BJP candidate Devasish Sharma has registered a victory by a margin of around 1.4 lakh over pro-Muslim AIUDF's Badruddin Ajmal. The Congress, which fought to retain the Muslim-majority seat, was a distant third.
The by-election was necessitated as Congress MP Pradyut Bordoloi resigned and switched over to the BJP.
The bigger message was in th defeat of AIUDF.
Badruddin Ajmal, AIUDF chief, is a perfume baron with his Ajmal Perfumes doing good retail business in the Middle East and has a magical appeal amongst Bengali Muslims.
Nagaon, a seat with 53% Muslim population, however, was a heartbreak for both - Ajmal and the Congress.
In terms of analysis, one can say - the religious minorities could have been happy about atheism (the Communists) losing ground. But they are irked as a worse and more dangerous form of political ideology has gained power. The BJP with its commitment to make India a nation of 'Hindu hegemony' is now in power in West Bengal - having ousted Mamata Banerjee.
It had won 18 of the 42 Lok Sabha seats in 2019 Lok Sabha polls; emerged principal opposition party in 2021 assembly polls and created history this year pulling the carpet underneath Mamata's feet.
The BJP is in power in Bihar, Odisha, Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and also Tripura in the east and north east. It has NDA dispensation in states such as Manipur and Nagaland and also Sikkim.
![]() |
| Enchanting rural Nagaland |
"Regiment mein hangama ho jaega Major Arya kya Biwi laya hae". --- Nana Patekar was unique :::: He produced something rarer — characters whose voices seemed to continue speaking after the screen went dark
The real-life experience with military gave an additional authenticity to the soldier he portrayed.
He came, he raged, he laughed, he questioned and, above all, he made the ordinary Indian visible.

Ghulam e Mustafa - with Ravina Tandon
Nana Patekar is gone. The voice and his mannerism would remain.
Nana was never simply a hero or villain. He played the grey character — the ordinary Indian caught between anger and helplessness, idealism and pragmatism, humour and pain.
That is why “Control Uday” from Welcome became more than a comic line. It was a middle-class, middle-aged man’s command to himself. The phrase could belong to anyone who has ever been pushed to the edge and then told himself to remain composed.
Nana’s characters often had a heart before they had a strategy. In Krantiveer, his dialogue about Hindu and Muslim blood cut through the politics of religious identity:
“Yeh Musalman ka khoon, yeh Hindu ka khoon… bata, ismein Musalman ka kaunsa, Hindu ka kaunsa, bata.”
The question was simple: blood has no religion. It remains a question that politicians of every hue can find difficult to answer. Then came Yeshwant, where Nana played an undercover police inspector married to an IAS officer. “Hum sab system ka hissa hain,” he says — a line that captured the dilemma of the individual trapped inside institutions.
"Regiment mein hangama ho jaega Major Arya kya Biwi laya hae". -
This one is typical Fauzi style and so much given to realism. It happens in army camps - even in Pakistan and might have happened even with mortals in media organisations.
We did play certain roles with such comical elements.
Many years back, I told a female in PTI -- "You are also a victim of 'new batch syndrome'".
She enjoyed every bit of this and dubbed my comedy as "devastating".
From 'Prahaar' and 'Krantiveer' to 'Parinda', 'Yeshwant' and 'Welcome', Nana Patekar made intensity, realism and the common man’s anger his unmistakable screen signature.
Nana Patekar, who died at the age of 75, will be remembered not merely as an actor but as a voice, a temperament and a distinctly Indian screen presence. His death marks the end of a career in which intensity was never an ornament. It was the substance of his characters.
For generations of viewers, Nana was the man who could make a dialogue sound less like a line from a script and more like something a common man had been carrying inside him for years.
In Krantiveer (1994), Nana Patekar delivered the unforgettable line, “Aa gaye meri maut ka tamasha dekhne” —
a chilling expression of defiance and wounded pride that became emblematic of the intensity he brought to the screen.
The dialogue captured the spirit of a man confronting those who had gathered to watch his downfall, turning a moment of vulnerability into one of raw defiance.
“Go tell your parents they didn’t give birth to a soldier, they gave birth to a coward!”
The line from Prahaar: The Final Attack captured much of what Nana brought to the screen: discipline, anger, patriotism, vulnerability and an uncompromising sense of duty.
But could Nana Patekar be called a military officer’s favourite star?
Perhaps. His association with the armed forces was not limited to cinema. For Prahaar, he underwent rigorous military training with the Maratha Light Infantry. During the 1999 Kargil War, after receiving permission from then Defence Minister George Fernandes, he spent around 60 days with Army personnel and became part of a Quick Reaction Team.
In 'Ab Tak Chhappan', he inhabited the world of Mumbai police encounters with the same unsettling realism.
And in Prahaar, he went beyond acting. The film was close to his heart because it allowed him to explore military discipline, sacrifice and patriotism. Its larger message was that national duty demands sacrifice and that military training should not be viewed merely as a profession.
Nana’s military connection was real enough to continue beyond the screen. He later recalled that he had approached George Fernandes during the Kargil conflict and was eventually permitted to go to the war zone. He travelled with troops and later spoke about becoming part of a QRT.
“Parinda” was another landmark.
Nana was initially considered for Jackie Shroff’s role, but was eventually cast as Anna, a performance that became one of the defining achievements of his early career. He reportedly later joked that whatever role he was given, he would become the star anyway.
In 'Angaar', he played Majid Khan, the violent son of Kader Khan’s underworld don. In Ankush, he portrayed an ordinary student confronting a cheating racket. In Agni Sakshi, he played an obsessive and abusive husband.
In Khamoshi, he showed that his intensity could also inhabit silence.
His detractors sometimes pointed to theatrical intensity, sharp physical gestures, explosive speech and a tendency toward repetition.
But those very qualities became his signature. Before Nana, the “angry young man” had largely been associated with youth. After Nana, anger could belong to the middle-aged, the wounded, the policeman, the soldier, the struggler, the father or the ordinary citizen.
His dialogue delivery carried the force of a knock-out punch, but there was usually something underneath it — a wound, a memory, an injustice or a moral dilemma.
Nana Patekar did not merely play strong men. He played men who were trying to remain strong.
That distinction made him different. His characters could be comical, authoritarian, confused, patriotic, bitter, tender or violent. Yet they almost always appeared recognisable. They were not distant cinematic heroes. They were people one could encounter in a railway compartment, a police station, an army camp, a neighbourhood or an office.
Perhaps that is why Nana’s lines survived long after the films ended.
“Aa gaye meri maut ka tamasha dekhne.”
Theatre, cinema and television have produced many stars. Nana Patekar produced something rarer — characters whose voices seemed to continue speaking after the screen went dark.
ends
Supreme Court registry flags 14 defects in Opposition petitions :::: Arrogance still driving Congress :::: The Congress's attack on the highest judicial authority in the country drew a sharp response from the BJP, which accused the party of attempting to undermine constitutional institutions :::: "All Anti-India gangs are joining hands. All patriotic Indians will also come together" - Rijiju
The Congress's attack on the highest judicial authority in the country - the Chief Justice of India - drew a sharp response from the Go...
-
It's a good calculative game. Cornered by S C Jamir's 'Mohan Bhagwat card' and the self-inflicted widescale damage done by ...
-
'Antony and Cleopatra' by William Shakespeare is unique in more ways than one. A military counterpart to Horatio, Enobarbus serves a...
-
Tensions often can rise when an emerging power builtt up with good will challenges the dominance of an established power. Politics more ofte...




























