TMC not only glamorized Tollabaji ::: In industrial sector, it brought in Structural Decline :::: Over 6,688 companies relocated registered offices out of West Bengal from 2011 till 2025

The first phase of polling in West Bengal will take place on April 23. 

In the unprecedented scale of campaigning and mudslinging; major issues concerning the future of the state got derailed. One such issue has been structural decline in the industrial sector.

Over 6,688 companies relocated registered offices out of West Bengal from 2011 till 2025 

TMC not only glamorized Tollabaji ::: In industrial sector, it brought in Structural Decline  

In broad sense, industrial atmosphere in West Bengal starting from the Left regime and even earlier; was/is opinionated by a political movement  that ensures  

... electoral incentives to resist growth and industrial development. 

 The Trinamool Congress (TMC) years after 2011 brought different language than that of the Left regime but similar structural outcomes. 

Around 110 listed firms also quit the state, according to Govt disclosures in Parliament.

Critics accuse the TMC of fostering a "syndicate" culture, where local leaders dominate construction and supply sectors, discouraging legitimate investment.

Infrastructure and Policy: Inadequate infrastructure expenditure and as some describe it, poor industrial policy have been cited as key factors leading to the decline, resulting in a low 2.95% expenditure on infrastructure by 2022–23.

The state’s share in national GDP has slid further to 5.6% in 2023-24, from 10.5% in 1960-61. This has been the sharpest long-run decline of any major Indian state. 

Per capita income, once 127.5% of the national average, now stands at 83.7%.  

There have been issues with policy decisions of the political ad administrative leadership. 

Even with Singur - a wrong messaging had gone down the line. 

The problem at Singur was not that large industry cannot be established in West Bengal. 

The land acquisition process was erroneous and coercive. The compensation regime was not well defined and was ill-structured.

Unionism meant there would "electoral incentives and dividends" for ensuring joblessness and total absence of a good and smooth efficient working culture. 

West Bengal has a specific legislative barrier in the West Bengal Land Reforms Act,

It says there has to be "case-by-case" state approval for landholding beyond 24 acres for industrial purposes.

There is no smooth Land Bank Authority 

The BJP - if comes to power - will have to work towards a rules-based transparent framework.

In today's system; there is a sweeping power for discretionary political clearance.

There would be need of a new structure under which -- Corporate efficiency of Gujarat Model or even Hyderabad Model must be brought in. 

But many say in initial years - the chief minister will have to show Political Guts and even experiment with the Yogi's Bulldozer (read firmness) Model of Uttar Pradesh.  

Old Records and Good Deeds thrown away by Misgovernance and Trade unionism  

In 1947 and after, West Bengal started on a strong foundation.

- ** There was a dense railway network

** A highly literate and commercially sophisticated workforce

*** Proximity to the coal and steel belts of the then Bihar and present day Jharkhand and parts of rural Odisha.

*** There was also a deep-water port with direct access to global shipping lanes.

But all these advantages now look fictional or have disappeared. 

In 1950-51, everyone knew Calcutta as the undisputed industrial nerve centre. 

West Bengal had 1,493 registered factories — the highest in numbrs in any state.

Even the combined total of Maharashtra and Gujarat was less than of Bengal.

The Organised sector employment in Bengal then stood at 27% of the national share and the industrial output at 24%. 

The Hooghly belt ran world-class jute processing, heavy engineering workshops.

Wrap up

The symptoms of destabilisation of the economic equilibrium of the state and chiefly the onetime industrial regions around the locked out industries have become so normal and yet pathetic stories. Meeting former workers in these regions and sub-regions will give glimpses of different stories of workers being betrayed. 

An overwhelming of them had voted for Mamata in 2011 and also in subsequent elections. Except for freebies; nothing much seemed to have happened.   

In the 1960s and 1970s; it was a different world and a different Bengal too.

In circa 2026 - it may sound unsound.

After partition members of 'refugee colonies' - mostly Hindus  and some even from adjoining places in Bihar and Odisha, secured employment. 

Even then there was an effort to provide economic independence to women.

There were mills with crèches even 70 years back. 

Most of these mills supported setting up of consumer co-operatives to offer workers with fair price shops. 

Economic support for children’s education was easily available from the management. It maybe surprising to hear the emotional outbursts of surviving old timers.

The management was not a bad word. The company often helped in carrying out expenses of religious festivals, community gatherings and health related matters. But once unionism strengthened its grip -contrast to what was expected; things collapsed. 

Will things be corrected post May 4 ?

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Namo's Crusade That Refuses to End !! :::: The country, that is Hindustan, may soon be asked to take sides !!

From Gujarat 2002 to Lok Sabha 2026 — how the Sangarsh (struggle) of Narendra Modi, the defeat of the Women’s Reservation Bill, and the sharpening rivalry with the Sonia-Rahul Gandhi dynasty are reshaping the republic’s fault lines.

Modification of Indian Politics 

By NIRENDRA DEV

New Delhi 

— Every struggler is obsessed with his own Destiny. The bitterness at its sharpest edge was amply demonstrated in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s address to the nation on April 18th — and it encapsulates where Indian politics now stands: deeply personal, ideologically entrenched, and structurally binary.

The Birth of Moditva: Gujarat, 2002

The first round in the Modification of Indian  Politics began way back in 2002 in Gujarat. Narendra Modi was neither shy nor apologetic about Hindutva. That unapologetic posture created a new political brand — what commentators would come to call Moditva: the synthesis of development and cultural nationalism, presented not as competing impulses, but as a single governing philosophy.  

Then came 2007. 

The then Gujarat chief minister and his governance model were under sustained attack. Sonia Gandhi launched a broadside offensive and used the now-infamous phrase —'Maut Ka Saudagar', merchant of death. It was followed by a fiercely contested state assembly election — the first major electoral test in Gujarat after the Sonia Gandhi-led UPA had come to power in New Delhi.

The BJP and Modi returned to power. He was fighting with his back against the wall. Within the BJP too, there were trouble-makers. L.K. Advani stood by him and backed him to the hilt. 

The Modification era was gradual but deliberate: development and Hindutva were woven into a synthesis that yielded results.

“Can Moditva work outside Gujarat? It depends on how you define it,” said Karan Thapar, political commentator, in a post-2007 comment.

The US Visa Denial: A Turning Point  

In 2005, Narendra Modi was denied a US visa — a rare and stinging diplomatic rebuff. His admirers, including Amit Shah, know what that moment meant: Modi fought back. The then-Gujarat chief minister, born in 1950 and in his mid-fifties at the time, transformed humiliation into resolve. That pattern — setback, consolidation, resurgence — has defined his political arc.

The Defeat of the Women’s Reservation Bill: A Rare Setback

The defeat of the Women’s Quota and Delimitation Bills in the Lok Sabha was not merely the first major setback for the NDA or the Modi government. It was a rare occasion in Modi’s life and career — comparable in scale and political weight only to the 2005 visa denial and Sonia Gandhi’s Maut Ka Saudagar broadside.

The defeat carries symbolic and strategic significance. “The family-run parties do not want women to progress, as women can end their selfish politics,” the Prime Minister said — framing the bill’s failure not as a legislative defeat but as evidence of dynastic self-preservation by opposition parties.  

The Sangarsh Continues: More Personal, More Polarising

The relationship between the Modi establishment and the Congress party — especially the Sonia–Rahul family — can only deteriorate further, or it has already turned irreversibly so. What is clear is that the conflict is becoming more personal and more structurally defining for Indian democracy.

The Prime Minister’s recent addresses have been notably sharp in their language: “Like a parasite (par-jibi), the Congress party piggy-rides regional parties.” “Congress is applying its Divide and Rule policy — something it learned from the British.”

At a press conference held hours earlier, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra had alleged that the Modi government had orchestrated events for political gain. “A whole conspiracy was hatched to remain in power — to somehow form a permanent government,” the Prime Minister claimed in response.

In 2007, after Modi’s historic Gujarat win, journalist Karan Thapar wrote for The Hindustan Times that Indian voters faced a critical choice: either accept the idea of Modi and Moditva, or overcome their concerns about the Gandhi dynasty and Sonia Gandhi in particular.

Arguably, not much has changed in the fundamental architecture of that choice — except that the equation may now involve more scrutiny of Sonia’s daughter, 

--- Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, than of Sonia herself or even Rahul Gandhi.

The more the ties between these two political universes turn bitter, the more will be the compulsion for both sides to take off the gloves. And for the rest of the political mainstream — and the nation — there may not be room for a third path. 

India may soon be asked to take sides. Formally. Finally.

(courtesy - The Raisina Hills) 

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Former Railway Minister Dinesh Trivedi to become India's new High Commissioner in Bangladesh ::: Appointment of a Neta comes at a time when 'infiltration' from Bangladesh is a major poll issue in West Bengal

Dinesh Trivedi, once a trusted lieutenant of Mamata Banerjee had joined BJP in 2020.

He is among the few politicians associated with West Bengal to hold a diplomatic position apart from former Congress leader and ex chief minister Siddharta Shankar Ray, who served as the Ambassador to the United States. 

The appointment comes at a time when 'infiltration' from Bangladesh is a major poll issue in West Bengal - which goes to polls on April 23 and April 29. 

 

Trivedi, who hails from Gujarat, can speak Bangla and that may be one of the plus points he would carry in his new high profile assignment.  

Dinesh Trivedi's appointment comes as India looks to reset its Bangladesh policy under the Tarique Rahman-led BNP government. 

The appointment marks a major exception in which a politician has been given the job of a career diplomat. This is also seen as a big picture message from Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who would like to handle the entire range of issues related to Bangladesh with a political perspective.  

Trivedi's appointment also signals Modi's move to give top priority to ties with the neighbouring country, including in areas of political channels for sensible and sensitive engagements. 

In 2019, Trivedi unsuccessfully contested the Lok Sabha elections, losing to BJP's Arjun Singh in Barrackpore Lok Sabha constituency. Earlier, in 2009, Trivedi had won from the seat.

He was later nominated to the Rajya Sabha by Mamata Banerjee in 2021, before joining the BJP.

He had a full steam 23 year long stint with Trinamool Congress.  

Trivedi had his political baptism with the Congress party in the 1980s, but switched over to the Janata Dal in 1990.

In 1998 he joined Mamata Banerjee when she started the Trinamool Congress party and became its first general secretary. 

Sworn in MoS Health in 2009 under Manmohan Singh Govt

In 2011, Trivedi courted controversy when he offered to resign as a minister in support of Anna Hazare's Lokpal Movement. 

In 2012, after Mamata Banerjee quit as the railway minister to become the Chief Minister of West Bengal, Trivedi was elevated as the Cabinet Minister for Railways.  

On March 14, 2012, Trivedi announced the annual rail budget  that included an all over hike in passenger fares, ranging from 2 paise to 30 paise per kilometre for reasons of safety along with network expansion and modernisation. 

The fare hike was opposed by his own party's leader, Mamata Banerjee. Senior TMC MPs Sudip Bandyopadhyay and Derek O'Brien both expressed their disagreement and Trivedi had to quit. 

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Nothing has cost Manipur more than the "Status Quoist" approach of those who were expected to try Out of Box formulae

Manipur continues to burn. If the erstwhile Yunus regime in Dhaka and the perceived 'deep state' were only responsible; by now things could have been different. 

Or there is speculation that about 17-month rule of Yunus regime has done enough harm to north east. I think the Yunus-led dispensation was successful in a way to 'plant' troublemakers in the north east of India. 

The violence had started in 2023 on some socio-legal issue. The issue has been forgotten almost but the fallout of the violence and ethnic differences remain.  

Manipur Ethnic Clash - 2023 

Just a day after Chief Minister Yumnam Khemchand visited Ukhrul, a civilian and an Ex-Naga Regiment retiree from the Tangkhul community travelling along National Highway 202 were fired upon.

The attack resulted in the death of two individuals and left two women severely injured.

“I strongly condemn the killing of two innocent civilians in an attack by militants at T.M. Kasom village in Ukhrul district around 2:30 pm today. My government has decided to hand over the case to the National Investigation Agency (NIA),” chief minister Khemchand stated.

The deceased have been identified as Yaruingam Vashum (42) of Kharasom CC village and S.W. Chinaoshang (45) of Tashar village. 

The two injured women, admitted to the District Hospital in Ukhrul, have been identified as Sominao Vashum (27) and Sareiwon Vashum (32), both from Kharasom CC village.

The Central Working Committee of the Tangkhul Naga Foothills Organisation (CWC, TNFO) stated that the victims were travelling from Imphal to Ukhrul. The vehicles were escorted from Yaingangpokpi to Litan; however, the stretch beyond Litan was left unescorted. 

The incident reportedly occurred at T.M. Kasom, located approximately 10 km from Litan.  

The Tangkhul Naga Foothills Organisation has demanded the immediate suspension of the District Commissioner and Superintendent of Police of Ukhrul. It has also called for a time-bound and transparent inquiry with accountability. 

But some other sources say the possibilities of clashes between NSCN-IM and NSCN-Eastern Flank in 'recent incidents of violence' are also being looked into. 

"Innocent travellers on the Kasom-Imphal route were caught on the crossfire and the unfortunate casualties have been confirmed due to severe injuries," a source said.  

In overall scenario in Manipur since 2023 and that covers President's Rule; nothing substantial could be moved on ground to remove the differences between Kukis and Meiteis. Worse, there have been incidents of violence between Nagas and Kukis and making things more complex, a big time differences has surfaced between NSCN - Hebron and Eastern Flank. 

The intra-Naga conflict that erupted on March 28 at Hongbei village junction in Kamjong district — leaving four NSCN Eastern Flank cadres dead — has escalated sharply. 

On Tuesday, March 31, Kamong observed a 12-hour bandh. Houses of prominent Naga militant leaders were allegedly vandalised. And the influential Tangkhul Naga Long (TNL) formally declared “non-cooperation” towards the Wung Tangkhul Region of NSCN-IM (Hebron).

The conflict is no longer only between armed factions. It has drawn in the tribal mainstream.  

It may be stated that armed conflict between Kuki and Tangkhul Naga has been continuing in and around the Litan area of Ukhrul district for the last many days.

The National Highway 202 is frequently blocked by armed miscreants. The State police provide security cover in National Highway between Litan and Mahadev area. 

However, the ambush site is located before reaching Litan from the Ukhrul site. 

Rural areas in North East India 

But what has harmed Manipur the most is perhaps the 'indecision' of the collective force. No one wants to bell the cat.

Politicians want their share of the cake. The President's Rule stint exposed the Babudom. 

Even individuals such as Governor Ajay Bhalla, also a former Babu, preferred to play safe and hence many actions (on the counseling of bureaucrats) came as compromise formula.  Declining to dilvulge much, a section of those in the know of things in Delhi say -- 

The faultlines came when the Governor to Chief Secretary and from security advisor to DGP -- each one is "something in being trapped as lost ones in the Alice in wonderland".  In these circumstances; new innovative ideas were required.  

It's not coming at this stage.

 

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Welfare schemes and cash transfers would matter more to Bengal's Nari Shakti ::: BJP played a big gamble in 'splitting' Mamata's Mahila vote-base

Welfare schemes and cash transfers often carry more electoral weight than legislative promises. Issues like safety and dignity—highlighted by the BJP in incidents such as Sandeshkhali—have not consistently translated into votes. 

BJP's Smart West Bengal Gamble? 

Or Team Modi’s Self-Goal ??  

The defeat of the 131st Constitutional Amendment Bill on women’s reservation and delimitation may reshape electoral politics—potentially hurting the Opposition more than the BJP.

By NIRENDRA DEV

New Delhi,

— Was the push for women’s reservation a political miscalculation by Narendra Modi, or a calculated gamble aimed at West Bengal? The answer may lie not in Parliament, but in the ballot boxes of West Bengal and Tamil Nadu.

At first glance, the move appeared unnecessary. With crucial elections looming—particularly in West Bengal—the timing raised eyebrows. In Tamil Nadu, the BJP is not even the principal challenger to the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. So why push a contentious and complex proposal combining women’s reservation with delimitation?

One possibility: this was less a legislative effort and more a political trap.

Despite rising participation of women voters across India, structural barriers continue to limit their representation in politics. Yet, linking women’s reservation to delimitation—a far more divisive and politically sensitive exercise—complicated the narrative. Critics argued this diluted the core objective of women’s empowerment.  

Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi framed it bluntly: 

“This is not a women’s bill… This is an attempt to change the electoral map of India.” 

Even Shashi Tharoor cautioned that southern states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu should not be penalized for successfully controlling population growth.

The last delimitation exercise dates back to 1971, making the issue politically explosive. Southern leaders, including Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. K. Stalin, called the proposal a “punishment” for progressive states.

Meanwhile, in West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee has built a formidable women-centric support base through welfare schemes like Lakshmir Bhandar. In the 2021 Assembly elections, her party, the All India Trinamool Congress, secured 213 out of 294 seats with a 48% vote share, significantly ahead of the BJP’s 39%.

 

Among women voters, the gap was even wider—reportedly around 13%. 

The BJP’s strategy, reportedly shaped by Amit Shah and Modi, may have been to corner the Opposition: support the bill and concede political ground, or oppose it and risk appearing anti-women. If successful, this framing could resonate beyond West Bengal.  

However, this rests on a key assumption—that women voters prioritize symbolic representation over direct economic benefits. Evidence suggests otherwise. Welfare schemes and cash transfers often carry more electoral weight than legislative promises. Issues like safety and dignity—highlighted by the BJP in incidents such as Sandeshkhali—have not consistently translated into votes.

For the Opposition, the situation is equally precarious. While they may claim a tactical win by blocking the bill, the political optics could backfire. 

The Congress, in particular, faces a shrinking coalition. Over the years, it has lost significant support among upper castes, OBCs, Dalits, and Muslims to various regional and national players. Congress has already lost its previous vote banks – the upper caste Hindus to BJP, the OBC to Yadavs (SP and RJD), Dalits to Mayawati-led BSP, and Muslims to AIUDF, SP and RJD.

If women voters begin to drift away as well, the consequences could be severe.

Amit Shah has already sharpened the narrative, accusing the Opposition of “deceiving half the country’s population.” His warning is clear: the electoral repercussions could extend well beyond the next general election.

Blogger 

In the end, this episode may not be about legislative success or failure. It is about narrative control. If the BJP successfully portrays the Opposition as obstructing women’s empowerment, the political dividends could be substantial. But if voters see through the strategy as opportunistic, it could just as easily backfire.

The real verdict will come not from Parliament—but from the electorate.

(Courtesy - The Raisina Hills) 

Congress office in rural Tripura 

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"Gaon Burrah (Village elders in Nagaland) was never just about tax collection" ::: Harsh and candid observations had unnerved Status Quo club and its powerful eco-system

“The institution of Gaon Burrah (Village elders in Nagaland) was never just about tax collection but functioned as the government’s arm at the village level,” the Nagaland Gaonburah Federation (NGBF) said while lashing out at MLA and NPF secretary general Achumbemo Kikon for “immature and thoughtless” remarks.

The NGBF maintained that the government of India retained and recognised  the importance of Village Elders after Independence. The statement comes in the wake of Kikon's remarks made on the floor of the Legislative Assembly on March 26.

The federation defended the historical and societal role of gaonburahs (GBs) and questioned the legislator’s understanding of Naga institutions and the ongoing  political process. The NGBF stated that it was “deeply pained” by the comments, adding that in an “Opposition-less House,” there was no immediate correction to the “irresponsible and incorrect statements,” compelling the federation to respond as custodians of traditional authority in Naga society.


It underscored that gaonburahs are not mere appointees of the Home department, as allegedly suggested by Achumbemo, but are rooted in the traditional governance systems of Naga villages.


It traced the formalisation of the institution to the British colonial era, when village elders and respected leaders were incorporated into administrative structures to bridge tribal societies with modern governance. 

It said the GBs are not salaried government employees but continue to serve as grassroots representatives under challenging conditions.

There have been attempts in the past as well to present NGBF in poor light. 

But the organisation which has a credibility of its own - notwithstanding the displeasure of certain Naga groups and state politicians, have been doing its part for arriving at a Solution to the long pending Naga political issue.

A senior analyst had said -- not long ago -

"It's time to feel humble and bow down before Democratic voice that has emerged from the wilds of the northeast. Some saboteurs pushed Ideological untouchability. Others believed in intellectual superiority -- all these negativity were rejected".

In 2025, the NGBF in a statement had said:

"If Negotiating entities are lacking in sincerity and political will to deliver an assured Solution on the Naga issue; the indefinite talks should come to an end". 

Such harsh and candid observations did not go in favour of the Status Quo club and its powerful and wide eco-system including a self-styled Metaphysical organisation - which has only bought time and allowed the wrongdoers thrive in more ways than one.  

The demand for the merger of the two agreements, which the Government of India has signed separately with  the NSCN (IM) and Working Committee, Naga National Political Groups (WC, NNPGs) was adopted at what was hailed to be a consultative meeting of the “Naga Civil Societies” convened by the Nagaland GB Federation, Peace committee in Dimapur on March 20, last year.

Enchanting North East of India 

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Iran conflict has been a “significant strategic setback” for America’s European allies ::::: Europe’s Real Fear: A Nuclear Russia, Not Iran

Iran conflict has been a “significant strategic setback” for America’s European allies.

Europe’s Real Fear: A Nuclear Russia, Not a Weakened Iran  

The United States, under Donald Trump, has signalled a willingness to recalibrate priorities, including energy and military strategies 

Nirendra Dev

For much of Europe today, the gravest strategic anxiety does not stem from a weakened Iran but from an emboldened, nuclear-armed Russia. The shifting geopolitical balance following the latest US–Iran confrontation has reinforced a long-standing European concern: that great-power miscalculations in West Asia often end up strengthening Moscow’s hand in Europe.

The pattern is not new. In 2007, Hillary Clinton publicly regretted her vote for the Iraq War, admitting, 

“Knowing what we know now, I would never have voted for it.” Years later, Barack Obama described the intervention in Libya as his “worst mistake.” 

British-American commentator Andrew Sullivan went further, compiling his early pro-war writings into a book titled 'I Was Wrong'. 

These reflections underscore a recurring theme in American foreign policy—decisions taken with strategic intent often produce unintended global consequences.  

Today, that pattern appears to be repeating. Writing in The Atlantic, Robert Kagan argued that the Iran conflict has been a “significant strategic setback” for America’s European allies. 

As the grinding war between Russia and Ukraine continues, any geopolitical distraction or economic shift tends to benefit Moscow. Rising oil prices—exacerbated by Middle East instability—have bolstered Vladimir Putin’s war chest, easing fiscal pressures at a critical juncture.

For Europe, this is the crux of the problem. The continent faces what many analysts describe as an “existential threat” not from Iran, but from a revisionist Russia willing to redraw borders by force. 

The invasion of Ukraine remains the most brazen act of territorial aggression in recent European history, and any development that indirectly strengthens Russia deepens European insecurity.

Compounding these concerns is what some European policymakers perceive as Washington’s inconsistent strategic focus. The United States, under Donald Trump, has signalled a willingness to recalibrate priorities, including energy and military strategies that ripple across global markets. 

Moves affecting the Strait of Hormuz, for instance, have immediate consequences for oil prices and, by extension, Russia’s revenue streams.

Yet, the broader historical context adds another layer of complexity. Debates around “radical Islam” and global terrorism have long been intertwined with Western interventions. Some analysts argue that militant extremism in parts of the Middle East was not merely a cause but also a consequence of foreign involvement. 

From the 1953 intervention in Iran to Cold War manoeuvres in Afghanistan, the legacy of external influence has shaped regional politics in profound ways.

Former US National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski acknowledged in later interviews that Washington had supported anti-Soviet fighters in Afghanistan during the 1970s. 

Similarly, Robert Gates confirmed in his memoir that the US backed the Mujahideen. Such policies, aimed at countering Soviet influence, had long-term repercussions that continue to echo in global security debates.

At the societal level, however, narratives are more nuanced. Muslim communities in the United States, one of the most ethnically diverse faith groups, have consistently contributed to civic life while also facing the fallout of geopolitical tensions. 

Accounts from post-9/11 America often highlight both prejudice and solidarity—illustrating the complex interplay between domestic cohesion and foreign policy.  

For European observers, the lesson is less about ideology and more about strategic prioritisation. While instability in Iran and the broader Middle East remains a concern, it is Russia’s military posture and nuclear capability that dominate security calculations. The fear is not just of conflict, but of a prolonged imbalance that could reshape Europe’s security architecture.

Ultimately, the unfolding Iran crisis may once again prompt retrospective introspection in Washington. 

If history is any guide, today’s decisions could become tomorrow’s regrets. And as Europe watches closely, its primary concern remains unchanged: the shadow of a powerful Russia looming ever larger on its eastern frontier.

(courtesy - The Raisina Hilla )

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