Saturday, July 4, 2026

Why Narasimha Rao's role in resetting Indo-US ties deserves a special appreciation ?

 

US diplomat and author Dennis Kux famously described India and the United States as “estranged democracies” — a relationship that the 1990s would gradually begin to redefine. 



By 1995, US companies had identified India as a huge market for expansion. As per one estimate, total US investments in India rose from $32.6 million in the mid-1980s to $700 million in 1994. By March 2004, less than 13 years after opening up the economy, the United States became the second-biggest source of Foreign Direct Investment, with over 16 per cent share.







 It was P V Narasimha Rao era. His Govt took economic liberalism route and that had impact in foreign policy too. the global order was undergoing a seismic transformation. The collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991 brought the Cold War to an end and left the United States as the world’s sole superpower.


 For India, this marked the loss of its long-standing strategic partner and compelled New Delhi to recalibrate its foreign policy in an unfamiliar unipolar world. As author and commentator Sanjaya Baru has noted, India had to work hard to redefine its economic, political and strategic links following the end of the Cold War.

 In 1992, the P. V. Narasimha Rao government made an unusual choice by appointing Siddhartha Shankar Ray as India’s ambassador to the United States. Ray was an eminent lawyer, veteran politician and former chief minister of West Bengal who had also served as governor of Punjab. Despite his distinguished political career, he had never held a diplomatic assignment.






The appointment was widely seen as a political decision aimed at resetting India-US ties at a time when New Delhi was redefining its foreign policy and opening its economy. Rather than relying on a career diplomat, the government entrusted Ray with rebuilding relations with Washington by leveraging his political experience and stature.

This has been emulated by the Modi govt. by its decision on Dhaka vis-a-vis  Dinesh Trivedi.

On the economic front, India was staring at an unprecedented balance-of-payments crisis. Foreign exchange reserves had dwindled to barely two weeks’ worth of imports, forcing the government to pledge part of its gold reserves to overseas banks to avert a sovereign default. The Gulf War had already worsened external pressures, and the crisis ultimately triggered a structural reset of the economy. It paved the way for the LPG (liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation) reforms, which dismantled the licence-permit regime and opened India to global markets.


That is why 1991 ....1991. It was a year when multiple crises and global shifts converged, forcing India to rethink its economic and diplomatic trajectory almost simultaneously.


Ray’s four-year tenure is widely regarded as a success. He played a significant role in improving India’s image in Washington, engaging not only the US administration but also Corporate America at a time when India was presenting itself as an attractive investment destination. 


By the next decade, the United States had emerged as one of the leading sources of foreign direct investment (FDI) into India.


His tenure also coincided with Rao’s landmark visit to the United States, during which the prime minister addressed a joint session of the US Congress, signalling a new phase in bilateral engagement.



Narasimha Rao was himself a former foreign minister and so his experience came handy in more ways than one.







Importantly, during this period, the Rao government also resisted sustained US pressure on key strategic issues, particularly Kashmir and India’s nuclear programme, reinforcing India’s autonomy in foreign policy even as it sought deeper engagement with Washington.


Economic liberalisation further strengthened the relationship. The reforms of the early 1990s provided a major boost to India’s information technology sector, laying the foundation for the deep economic interdependence that would emerge over the following decades. 


India gradually became a global hub for software services and IT outsourcing, a sector that continues to form one of the pillars of India-US economic ties.



The relationship, however, was far from frictionless. The most contentious issue remained India’s nuclear programme. In 1995, the Rao government reportedly prepared to conduct a nuclear test, but the plan was shelved after the United States detected the preparations through satellite imagery and exerted diplomatic pressure.


Things were taken forward by the Vajpayee Govt.



Prime Minister Vajpayee and US President Clinton signed a Joint Statement in New Delhi on March 21, 2000, outlining a shared vision for a closer, qualitatively new India-US relationship in the 21st century and establishing a framework for regular, wide-ranging institutional dialogue between the two countries.







In May 1998, the government led by Atal Bihari Vajpayee successfully carried out the Pokhran-II nuclear tests. This time, US intelligence failed to detect the operation in advance, in what was widely regarded as a major intelligence failure. Washington responded by imposing economic sanctions on India under its non-proliferation laws, with several allies, including Japan and Australia, following suit. In the long run, however, the sanctions neither altered India’s strategic course nor caused lasting damage to its economy.



The following year, the Kargil War marked another turning point. Pakistan’s efforts to internationalise the conflict found little support in Washington. Instead, the United States pressed Islamabad to withdraw its forces across the Line of Control, a diplomatic outcome that was widely viewed as favouring India’s position.

[05/07, 10:47 am] Nirendra Dev: The momentum culminated in 2000 when Bill Clinton became the first US president in more than two decades to visit India. His visit symbolised the transformation in bilateral ties and capped a decade of diplomatic rapprochement. Addressing a joint session of the Indian Parliament on March 22, 2000, Clinton highlighted the growing economic partnership between the two countries, particularly India’s emergence as an IT powerhouse.

[

"You embraced information technology, and now, when Americans and other big software companies call for consumer and customer support, they’re just as likely to find themselves talking to an expert in Bangalore as one in Seattle,” he said, underscoring the central role of IT in strengthening India-US ties.


It was during this period that Vajpayee famously described India and the United States as “natural allies”, a phrase that would come to define the strategic partnership that has continued to deepen in the decades since.







Ends 

Key elements in India-Bangladesh relationships ::: Pragmatism, Geo-political acumen power and Economy

 “If you only read the books that everyone else is reading, you can only think what everyone else is thinking.”



- Haruki  Murakami, Japanese writer




--




When India and Bangladesh - sitting separately - make assessment of bilateral ties; the obvious references are around or about greater convergence, the spirit of mutuality of interests and the keenness to advance interdependence. 





Pragmatism, geo-political acumen power and economy - not necessarily in that order - always work in any diplomatic parleys. The body language of the leaders during Summit deliberations and during foreign ministers' meets can indicate perhaps whether the negotiations have been relatively smooth.  New Delhi and Dhaka are going through exciting as well as challenging times. 


There are multiple manners of pressure on both the leaderships. 


Amid these, there are issues of Political & Social Space. In India, the BJP has the political space and influence including in key border states of West Bengal, Assam, Tripura, Mizoram and Meghalaya. In contrast, the BNP in Bangladesh is on a sticky wicket. The 2024 protests by anti-Sheikh Hasina forces were in effect typically anti-India forces. 


Hence the new PM Tarique Rahman still has the burden of the legacy. The fact of the matter is the Hasina-led Awami League had some space; similarly, Rahman's ruling party BNP had some space. 

Post Awami League ouster in August 2024; there is a substantial political vacuum. 


Needless to add; the BNP has surely eaten into some of the space of the Awami League. This has left hundreds of AL supporters and party workers unnerved. 


If the BNP really inches closer to New Delhi -- leaving Awami League high and dry; things would be difficult for Sheikh Hasina's party to continue to trust the Indian leadership. 


The Modi Govt is aware of these intricacies. 


Hence it is trying a different role - a new mixed policy. Thus, we have merits in the Prime Minister Narendra Modi's decision to depute a Gujarati politician with a cabinet rank status - Dinesh Trivedi - as the new high commissioner in Dhaka. A career diplomat may not have such a flexibility. 


Like others in the game; New Delhi is also aware that post-Feb 2026 elections in Bangladesh; the two die-hard anti-India political forces, the Jaamat and the newly floated NCP have "developed some space". 


For PM Modi, appointment of a Bengali-speaking Gujarati neta as new high commissioner signifies priority to his Govt's ‘Neighbourhood First’ foreign policy. 









"For Prime Minister Modi to give cabinet rank to the High Commissioner to Bangladesh indicates a high level of importance attached to this policy. He would like to make sure that the government of Bangladesh, led by Tarique Rahman, would also recognise the signal and respond likewise in terms of giving the highest importance to policy towards India," says an article in 'Indian Express'. 


In the contexts of all these; the BNP has to do effective planning so that it can "marginalise" the two political friends - the NCP and the Jaamat. This is easier said than done. 


BNP must be planning, that they need to marginalise Jamaat and NCP.


What they should do ?

 # Counter  Narratives

 - Display themselves as a Strong Government.


- Keep India at Bay and Swing towards China

## They can alsi Target fund network - USA, UK & Middle East based Expats.










Ends 

PM Modi has shown a "notable penchant" for receiving awards ::::

In the past year Narendra Modi has also become the first foreign head of state to receive Ethiopia’s Great Honour Nishan and the order of the Republic of Trinidad & Tobago.


The BJP says the awards are a recognition of Modi’s international stature.


As several critics have pointed out, PM Narendra Modi has shown a notable penchant for receiving awards, at home and abroad, over his 12 years in power.






Last month, days before Modi’s visit to Israel, the Israeli parliament quickly created what it claimed to be one of the country’s highest honours, the medal of the Knesset, which was bestowed on Modi when he landed. Again, he is the only recipient to date.


In 2019, Modi also became the first recipient of India’s Philip Kotler presidential award, given to the prime minister for his “outstanding leadership of the nation”. According to the government’s press release, the honour was to be bestowed annually to the leader of a nation. However, no other leader has since been given the award and its website lies dormant.



It is privately acknowledged that accolades and awards have become an expectation during Modi’s foreign trips. Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, the author of a biography of Modi, said the global push for prizes was symptomatic of the prime minister’s personality-driven politics.


“The intention behind collecting these awards – often bestowed in circumstances that raise eyebrows – is to convey to supporters and potential converts that Modi is being honoured across the world over because of his greatness and that India’s rising clout is because of Modi’s personality,” he said.







****

As Narendra Modi touched down in Seychelles over the weekend, the archipelago nation in the Indian Ocean swiftly bestowed one of its “highest” honours upon the Indian prime minister.


Modi beamed as he accepted the Guardian of the Blue Horizon award from Patrick Herminie, the Seychelles president, complete with a trophy and certificate.


Observers soon pointed out that several things appeared to be off about the award. The certificate misspelled “republic” as “repubblic”, and even “Seychelles” as “Seycheeles”. The award, it transpired, had only been created three days before Modi’s arrival and he was the first and only recipient.


To add to the furore, when run through software, the certificate was widely flagged as AI-generated.


The opposition Congress party were quick to jump on the controversy, claiming: “Give him [Modi] any award, and he’ll come running.”


“They were in such a tearing hurry that they even got the official name of the Republic of Seychelles wrong,” the Congress politician Supriya Shrinate said on social media.


Modi’s Bharatiya Janata party (BJP) hit back, saying it was a “proud moment for India” for him to receive the award for his “green leadership”.


On Thursday, the Seychelles foreign ministry responded with a statement claiming that a “working draft” had accidentally been circulated and that an “authentic and duly approved” version had now been issued.


“The Guardian of the Blue Horizon distinction is genuine,” added the foreign ministry.







ends 


How much of politics involved in Ram Mandir 'donation theft' scam ?? Can Akhilesh benefit by discrediting Sangh and VHP ??? :::: What happens if Yadavs 'desert Samajwadi Party ??

What happens if Yadavs 'desert Samajwadi Party ??  


Can Akhilesh benefit by discrediting Sangh and VHP ??? :::: What happens if Yadavs 'desert Samajwadi Party ??

How much of politics involved in Ram Mandir 'donation theft' scam ?? Can Akhilesh benefit by discrediting Sangh and VHP ??? :::: What happens if Yadavs 'desert Samajwadi Party ??   









By raising questions about the management of temple funds, the Samajwadi Party led by Akhilesh Yadav is attempting to shed its traditional pro-minority, "anti-temple" image. 


It presents the party as a defender of public faith and devotee trust, aiming to appeal to moderate Hindus and the broader Sanatan community.  


The issue allows the SP to challenge the ruling party's core governance plank: corruption-free administration and Hindu nationalism. By demanding transparency in a deeply religious matter, it puts the ruling BJP and the temple trust on the defensive.  











But there are chances of backlash.


The SP now risks being perceived as attacking or politicizing a highly revered Hindu religious symbol. 


If voters feel the allegations are made in bad faith or lack sufficient proof, it could result in a severe counter-mobilization of the Hindu vote in favor of the BJP.


An overemphasis on temple politics can divert attention from core secular, social-justice, and economic issues, potentially alienating the party's core minority and backward-caste support base.










On June 12, Ayodhya BJP leader Rajneesh Singh sought a CBI investigation and wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The Prime Minister’s Office has also sought a factual report from the temple trust , according to an official letter, dated June 23.


On June 25, Vishwa Hindu Parishad international working president Alok Kumar demanded registration of an FIR if evidence established theft, and later called for the investigation to cover everyone involved.


On June 19, chief minister Yogi Adityanath personally stepped in, declared that “no guilty person will be spared”. 


The CM’s remarks came after, on June 13, he ordered the constitution of a three-member SIT comprising Lucknow Divisional Commissioner Vijay Vishwas Pant, IG Kiran S and Special Secretary (Finance) Neel Ratan.









People aware of developments said nearly 150 persons were identified for scrutiny, around two dozen came under detailed examination and recoveries of cash and precious metals were made during the investigation. 


The SIT also found that CCTV footage was available for about 45 days, as per the FIR, filed on Thursday.


On June 23, the SIT submitted its preliminary report, advised registration of a criminal case and suggested structural reforms in the management of temple donations. 


On June 25, temple Trust member Krishna Mohan lodged a police complaint, following which the FIR was filed and eight people were arrested.  



In 2021, Opposition parties had questioned transactions involving land acquired around the temple. That controversy, however, remained confined largely to political allegations and denials. 




But in this case, the investigation was ordered by the BJP government, an FIR has been lodged, arrests have followed, and the probe continues to widen.








A woman stands on the balcony of a residential building with cut-outs of India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Hindu god Ram, in Ahmedabad  (2024) 

****


Two things dominate Indian and the BJP's political landscapes. One - Hindu-Muslim divide and another anti-Pakistan card.  

The bitterness over Pakistan is not new. It exists even in normal times and is often tapped during elections by the BJP leadership and PM Narendra Modi himself. The opposition poll managers say the ruling BJP does so only to garner votes.


PM Modi and the BJP have been banking heavily on Hindutva (literally “Hindu-ness”). This political ideology advocates for Hindu supremacy and seeks to transform India, constitutionally a secular state, into an ethno-religious nation.


Prime Minister Modi likes to call India the 'mother of democracy,' but he misses the point that sheer communalism is a strict anti-thesis to religion and democracy, says political analyst Ramakanto Shanyal in West Bengal.


However, on the other hand, the main opposition Congress, in the name of 'secularism' and protecting the rights of minorities, also plays the religion card in more ways than one.


The can of worms was opened in 2024 by Modi himself when he dubbed the Congress party’s election manifesto as “a footprint of the Muslim League,” which is held responsible for the partition of the Indian subcontinent to create Pakistan.



ends 

India closely watching developments in Bangladesh-China relations

New Delhi will take ‘appropriate measures’ amid discussions on defence, connectivity and the Teesta project. 


"We closely monitor all developments in our neighbourhood and take appropriate measures as required," MEA Spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said during a weekly media briefing.  


He faced a series of questions from the media regarding Bangladesh's expanding strategic engagement with China, including discussions on the possible acquisition of Chinese J-10CE multirole fighter aircraft, the proposed Bangladesh-Myanmar-China Economic Corridor, and Beijing's involvement in the Teesta River Comprehensive Management and Restoration Project.


The corridor project was proposed by China during Bangladeshi Prime Minister Tarique Rahman's visit on June 22-26.  


At a briefing to the media on Thursday, Chinese Ambassador to Bangladesh Yao Wen clarified that the corridor was proposed by China more than a decade back when India was also considered in it. 

India has not made any response.


Even now, the project is open for other countries including India to join, Yao Wen said.


China also agreed to support Bangladesh in the Teesta project by conducting a feasibility study together with Bangladesh experts.  


Bangladesh approached China for the project as the water sharing agreement was not signed despite all preparation back in 2011 due to opposition from the West Bengal government.  



Jaiswal said India's position had already been formally conveyed to Bangladesh. He did not clarify what India’s position was on the Teesta project.


Jaiswal said New Delhi was keeping a close watch on all developments in its neighbourhood and would respond appropriately whenever necessary. "Our development partnership with Bangladesh is guided by a mutually agreed roadmap, which is reviewed periodically," he said.


The MEA spokesperson further noted that India would continue to assess all developments concerning Bangladesh within the framework of its broader regional policy and long-term strategic interests.






ends 



Friday, July 3, 2026

It was the debutant Cape Verde players who held the attention ::: ... still ready to run, ready to play, but eliminated from World Cup 2026

At the final whistle the Argentinian players fell to their knees, thanking stars for the crucial win.


The stands re-erupted with relief, joy and the familiar devotional celebrations. 


A 3-2 victory means Argentina will now play Egypt in Atlanta. 

But it was the Cape Verde players who held the attention in that moment, walking a little disconsolately about at one end, still ready to run, ready to play, but eliminated from this World Cup at the end of its most wonderfully dramatic game.






Cape Verde exit World Cup with heads held high: ‘We did our best and we did it with bravery’

Coach Bubista says campaign has been ‘source of great pride’


Perhaps the greatest moment in this relentlessly thrilling game was that last moment of Cape Verde parity. 

The game had felt perfectly pitched as extra time kicked off with the score 1-1, a note of destiny still circling. 


Two minutes in Argentina scored, Lisandro Martínez picking the ball up from a corner on the edge of the box, cutting inside and shooting high into the roof of the net. 

The stands on that side erupted with roars of relief, joy, affirmation of the narrative, of Messi-ism, the road to New York.  





Vozinha claws away a clever free-kick from Lionel Messi that was floating into the top corner



But Cape Verde, once again, were not done. 

They pressed, won three corners in quick succession. 


And with 102 minutes on the clock made it 2-2, with a moment of startling brilliance from Sydney Lopes Cabral, a goal that felt like one of the great World Cup moments, shades of Josimar ‘86, mixed with François Omam-Biyik, 1990 and all that.






Sidny Lopes Cabral runs off in disbelief after surely the greatest moment in Cape Verde’s history. Photograph: Marco Bello/Reuters (The Guardian London) 



The stadium erupted in small pockets of delirious disbelief and entire looming stands of very abrupt silence. 


Cabral just ran, veering off back to the touchline, leaving the pitch, vaulting some stairs, waiting a bit, then embracing what was presumably his girlfriend, or at least someone who is now his girlfriend, or very keen to be.  






Cape verde threaten world cup shock for the ages before argentina dash dream in extra time classic.  



Cape Verde’s players are drawn almost entirely from the nation’s diaspora population and play largely in second tier leagues around Europe. But they twice equalised in Miami and were the stronger team at the end as the world champions held on.


“The feeling in the dressing room is sadness,” Bubista said. “We are sad because we are leaving the competition and also because we got so close, so close, but I think they must be proud of their performance and of representing our country. It shows the team has a soul.


“We did our best and we did it with bravery. Never did we fail to stay true to our identity, which is why I am so proud of what my players did."



ends 

Mysore Bidi ad drove Sangh magazine 'Organiser' for years; but there was no Swaemsevak smokers around : Vice Prez Radhakrishnan

 "I have not seen any Swaemsevak at that time smoking at all," Vice President C P Radhakrishnan has said here.  


Addressing a function organised to mark 80 years of the right wing magazine 'Organiser'; he said: "Guruji once asked what is the one common feature of all Sangh patrikas... no one had the answer. Then Guruji (Madhav Sadashivrao Golwalkar) said it is the half page ad of Mysore Bidi Beedi".








He referred to the financial challenges in the running of patriotic magazines and newspapers mentioned how "the contribution" came from the common people in running such periodicals. 

"... I say this because their customers were not the readers of 'Organiser' ...  "I have not seen any Swaemsevak at that time smoking at all".  


The Vice President applauded Organiser's eight-decade contribution to India's democratic discourse and also recalled the magazine's role during Emergency. He also highlighted the magazine's  fight against censorship and how it strengthened media freedom in independent India.  


The Vice-President also released the books 'Hindutva Discourse After Independence – Reading With Organiser Pages' by Shri Prafulla Ketkar and Shri Gautam Choubey, and 


'Temples Beyond Bharat' by Dr. Ujwala Chakradeo. 


Referring to Hindutva Discourse after Independence, Radhakrishnan said that Organiser's eight decades of documentation constitute an important archival record of India's political, social and intellectual evolution and provide a valuable window into the evolution of Hindutva.


Congratulating Bharat Prakashan Limited, he said that true to its enduring tagline, “Voice of the Nation”, Organiser has consistently brought to the forefront issues that many preferred to overlook. 


Referring to the observations made by senior RSS leader Dattatreya Hosabale during the programme, he noted that Organiser has served as the “voice of the soul of the nation”, guided not by any narrow or self-serving motive.


In contrast it had an abiding commitment to the larger national interest and the vision of seeing Bharat emerge as a strong, prosperous and self-confident nation.


It's former editors included - A R. Nair, K R Malkani, L. K. Advani, 

V. P. Bhatia and Seshadri Chari. 


ends 





Why Narasimha Rao's role in resetting Indo-US ties deserves a special appreciation ?

  US diplomat and author Dennis Kux famously described India and the United States as “estranged democracies” — a relationship that the 1990...