“If a judge’s order is set aside by a superior court, it does not give litigant the right to attack the judge" ::: Delhi High Court rejects Kejriwal's plea

“If a judge’s order is set aside by a superior court, it does not give a litigant the right to claim that the judge is unfit".  

“Justice Doesn’t Bow to Pressure”

Rejecting the allegations of bias, the court underscored that an adverse order cannot be grounds for questioning a judge’s impartiality. 

“If a judge’s order is set aside by a superior court, it does not give a litigant the right to claim that the judge is unfit to hear the case,” Justice Sharma observed, firmly refusing to withdraw from the proceedings. 

Nirendra Dev

Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma dismisses bias allegations in excise policy case, defends judicial independence and family rights

In a strongly worded order, the Delhi High Court on Monday rejected pleas by Arvind Kejriwal and others seeking the recusal of Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma from hearing matters related to the excise policy case.

Delivering a detailed verdict, Justice Sharma described the situation as a “Catch-22” for herself but a “win-win” for the litigant, asserting that recusal in such circumstances would amount to “abdication of duty” rather than prudence. 

She added, “Recusal would not be prudence, but abdication of duty. It would be an act of surrender,” emphasising that courts cannot function under perceived or manufactured pressure.

 ‘Catch-22’ for Court, ‘Win-Win’ for Litigant

The judge pointed to the paradox inherent in the plea, noting that the outcome would be interpreted politically regardless of the verdict.

“If he does not get relief, he will say he had predicted the outcome. If he gets relief, he can say the court acted under pressure,” she remarked, adding that the litigant may shape the narrative to suit his position.  Addressing claims regarding her participation in events organised by the Akhil Bharatiya Adhivakta Parishad, Justice Sharma clarified that these were not political gatherings but professional engagements related to legal reforms and interactions with young lawyers. 

“Many judges have been participating in such events. This cannot be used to insinuate ideological bias,” she said, stressing that the relationship between the Bar and the Bench extends beyond courtrooms.

Family Rights and ‘Conflict of Interest’ Argument

Responding to claims that her children being empanelled as government lawyers constituted a conflict of interest, Justice Sharma made a pointed remark: “If the wife of a politician can become a politician, if the children of a politician can become politicians, how can it be said that the children of a judge cannot enter the profession of law?”  

She added that denying such opportunities would infringe upon fundamental rights, and no direct nexus had been shown between her family members’ roles and the case at hand.

“A Lie Repeated Doesn’t Become Truth”  

In a broader comment on public discourse, the judge cautioned against attempts to influence judicial proceedings through repeated allegations. “A lie, even if repeated a thousand times in court or on social media, does not become truth,” she said, reaffirming that judicial decisions are based on law and evidence, not narratives.

Justice Sharma also noted that the same litigants had not raised concerns about bias when interim relief was granted in their favour in earlier proceedings.

“There are several cases where orders were passed in favour of parties associated with Arvind Kejriwal. No allegations were raised then,” the court observed, suggesting selective invocation of bias claims.  

The recusal applications were filed by Kejriwal, Manish Sisodia and others in response to a plea by the Central Bureau of Investigation challenging Kejriwal’s discharge in the excise policy case. The applicants argued that prior adverse rulings indicated prejudice. 

However, the court dismissed these arguments, stating that dissatisfaction with judicial outcomes cannot be equated with bias.

FAQs:

Q1. Why did Arvind Kejriwal seek recusal?

He alleged bias based on prior adverse orders and claimed a conflict of interest involving the judge’s family.

Q2. What did the court rule?

The Delhi High Court rejected the recusal plea, stating there was no valid ground for withdrawal.

Q3. What is the significance of the ruling?

The judgment reinforces judicial independence and clarifies limits on recusal pleas in high-profile cases.

(courtesy - The Raisina Hills) 

“This is a Hindu nation" ::::: Lenskart - Tilak and Hijab row ::: BJP Minority Morcha leader Nazia Elahi confront staff at Lenskart store and chant “Jai Shri Ram” protesting the alleged restrictions on Hindu symbols

Lenskart has found itself at the centre of a storm after allegations surfaced that its internal document permitted employees to wear the hijab while restricting visible religious symbols such as bindis and tilaks.

In a video, a Muslim BJP leader is heard asking, “Is that why tilak was stopped? Because you are Mohsin Khan?”

As the controversy escalated, the company apologised and CEO Peyush Bansal clarified that the policy document in question was “inaccurate” and did not reflect the company’s current guidelines. He said the viral document was an outdated training note and not part of the company’s HR policy, adding that references to bindi and tilak had been removed subsequently.

The company later released a detailed in-store style guide stating that symbols of faith and culture, from bindi and tilak to hijab and turban, are permitted.  

Amid the row over eyewear retailer Lenskart allegedly disapproving employees from wearing bindi and tilak at the workplace while allowing the hijab, members of Hindu organisations, led by a Muslim BJP leader, stormed into a showroom in Mumbai, where they applied tilak on employees, tied sacred threads (kalawa) on their wrists, and raised slogans.

BJP Minority Morcha leader Nazia Elahi, along with others, confronted staff at the Lenskart store and chanted “Jai Shri Ram” inside the premises. During the interaction, Elahi questioned the floor manager, identified as Mohsin Khan, over the alleged restrictions on Hindu symbols.

Speaking outside the store, she accused the management of promoting one religion over another. 

“This is a Hindu nation. 

Lenskart will either be boycotted or all its outlets will be shut unless the owner apologises,” she said.  

The situation escalated when Khan called Hindu employees forward and applied tilak on their foreheads, stating there should be “no shame” in expressing religious identity. The employees appeared visibly uncomfortable but did not resist.

Meanwhile, a showroom employee claimed that during company training, staff were told that wearing a tilak and sacred thread (kalawa) was prohibited. He further alleged that female employees, even if married, were not allowed to wear a mangalsutra.

The claims sparked outrage among those present, prompting demands for an explanation from the showroom manager. The Hindu activists termed the issue serious and demanded the immediate closure of the outlet, insisting on a thorough investigation before it is allowed to operate.

ends 

"Already itna gire hue ho aur kitna giroge" - when a cricket star mocked Pakistan :::: Pahalgam terror attack took place on April 22, 2025 ::::: A look back .... A decisive fight against Pak-sponsored terror was called a national resolution

 

Acting swiftly and with renewed determination within days of April 22, 2025, Pahalgam attack; PM Narendra Modi had given free hand to three armed forces to decide about the target, mode and timing of the attack against terror and India's western neighbour.  

Modi held a series of back-to-back security meetings with his Cabinet ministers including Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and NSA Ajit Doval.

Top defence brass and three service chiefs attended multiple meetings.

PM Modi had said that the decisive fight against terror was/is a national resolution and his government vowed to "pursue" the perpetrators and their backers "to the ends of the earth".

India also had downgraded its ties with Pakistan following the Pahalgam attack and took several diplomatic measures, including the pausing of the Indus Waters Treaty, expelling all Pakistani military attaches and the shutting down of the Attari-Wagah border. 

In response, Pakistan suspended the Simla Agreement and banned its airspace. 

New Delhi also banned the airspace for Pakistani aircraft and military planes. 

Diplomatically, it was suggested that before taking the final call for any result-oriented military action; India was assessing things in totality.

It tried to gauge the mood of China which has in the past and even lately backed Pakistan in international fora. 

The US, which once attached considerable importance to its relationship with Pakistan during war against radicals in Afghanistan; in 2025 understandably had diminished attachment and excitement about Islamabad. Of course, after Operation Sindoor things changed a lot as Pak army chief Munir tried to sit on Trump's lap.

 

What was seen as a matter of critical importance, the United States and France stuck to India at the United Nations Security Council meet and thus Pakistan could not get the word “disputed” added with Jammu and Kashmir in the UNSC statement on Pahalgam attack.

India played up the Diplomatic card well at the UNSC meet. 

India's representative said the open confession of Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif admitting to his country’s history of supporting and funding terrorist organisations exposes Pakistan as a “rogue state”.

But as Pakistan is a member of the UNSC (in the non permanent category till end of 2026), New Delhi could not get the naming of 'The Resistance Front' in the statement.

China and also Pakistan blocked the reference.

The Resistance Front initially claimed the responsibility of the Pahalgam attack but later withdrew the press release/claims made to the media. 

***

Indian cricket star Shikhar Dhawan gave a strong reaction to Pakistani cricketer Shahid Afridi's unwarranted comments on Indian army.

"Kargil mein bhi haraya tha, already itna gire hue ho aur kitna giroge, 

bewajah comments pass karne se acha hai apne desh ki taraqqi mai dimag lagao @SAfridiOfficial," Dhawan tweeted. 

"Humein hamari Indian Army par bohot garv hai. Bharat Mata Ki Jai! Jai Hind! 

(We beat you in Kargil. Already you guys have stooped so low, how further can you go? Instead of passing comments, focus on improving the condition of your own country. We are proud of Indian Army)," Dhawan said in a X post.  

Afridi, a veteran of 27 Tests, 398 ODIs and 99 T20Is, mocked Indian Army and media for their take on the Pahalgam terrorist attack.  

ends 

Fear of Defeat has a new name : It's Trinamool ::: It's also Frustration of Sickularism :::: Fish Fry journalism ready to play ball ::::: Modi takes battle to rival camp -- “I am giving one last chance to all syndicates, and corrupt elements. Surrender at your nearest police station" -- This has shaken base.

April 21st ... will be the last day of campaign for the first round of polling on April 23rd in West Bengal. All elections can always have one or two surprise element(s). 

'Give Aways' -- Almost accepting Defeat !!

Three things suggest as of now TMC leadership is certainly unnerved:

- One, "Something is being planned" in the next 150 hours -- is a line taken by TMC leaders Derek-O-Brien and Shashi Panja. Essentially both are rootless members of Mamata-Abhishek's inner circle. 

Mamata always would lack in confidence in Bengali leaders with roots and understanding. In 2011, when she shifted to Kolkata from Delhi as CM; she trusted a 'Gujarati' (so much of a bad word for her in 2026) to be Railway Minister and in-charge as cabinet Minister. Anglo-Indian Quiz Master presumed for long his sophisticated English would make him a talented parliamentarian.  India's politics has proved good quizzing skill is no match for good politics !!

Mamata made herself a laughing stock for suggesting that women should not roam outside in night

In fact, TMC's decline in Delhi politics coincides with Derek's rise. Also remember his Anglo Indian screaming "Manipur, Manipur" in 2023. The deep state and Christian lobbies knew how to do some jobs neatly. 

Prior to that did he visit Manipur or knew certain places like Churachandpur is again a good quizzing question. 

- Secondly, it is reported - somewhere Mamata told her admirers - "Abar dekha hobey, 

Raha Trinamool toh phir milenge 

......(If we win, we shall meet again)". These are reflections of volunary nervousness more guided by science of biology and mind stress than political science.   

Thirdly, before the first ball is bowled; meaning first hour of voting - a frustrated Derek again has his quote - more pathetic than Kalyan Banerjee's legal argument.

"Nineteen political parties and around 300 MPs had earlier moved an impeachment notice against the Chief Election Commissioner. 

In the coming days, a fresh impeachment notice with additional charges will be brought," he said. 

Before Khela starts; the wailing is clear - let us shoot the referee. 

Bravo, Brilliant and billion dollar painting plot for Mamata. If BJP's May 4th (char Mayee, Didi Gayii) comes true. Aaapa will have a brother in Dhaka. Dinesh Trivedi has been nominated by PM Narendra Modi's government as India's High Commissioner in Bangladesh. 

On the other hand, it could be only half truth; the BJP leaders are upbeat.

"Mamata Banerjee is nervous...she realised that people of Bengal will surely defeat her", says Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. Parliamentary Affairs and Minority Affairs minister Kiren Rijiju says - the voters will deliver a bad consequence to those who stalled the Women Bill. Consequences are clear in more ways than one; and albeit in negative format for Mamata.  

Firstly, the new rhetoric of Mamata of 2026 is of an injured tigress leaking wounds. She is on back foot.

Amit Shah and Bengal team of BJP has provoked Mamata in multiple ways. The SIR was foremost. Mamata initially fooled people by saying she will not allow the review exercise. She and her party planted stories of 'suicides'. She went to Supreme Court - where she was snubbed.

She was losing cool - something Samik Bhattacharya and Suvendu Adhikari could also sense.

Mamata abused Amit Shah for his frequent visit to Bengal.

Amit Shah herself dismissed her as a leader of gimmicks and even told the manner she faked injuries on her foot 2021.

This hurt her ego. 

Her weakness about I-PAC was a good info provided to BJP from TMC insiders.

NIA and ED plunged into taking up cases against IPAC and TMC functionaries. Even a top IPAC functionary has been held.

There was enough negative publicity especially in social media despite the Fish Fry journalism newspapers, a few select English tabloids and TV channels singing different songs. 

Field Work : Rural Bengal - Blogger 

A few independent analysts with past experience in Kolkata media like Suman Chattopadhyay and Bishwanath Bhattacharjee their part of the stories fearlessly. 

Aggressive ED made some Trinaool leaders run to hospitals for 'protection'. TMC campaign journey too was disturbed.

Arrest of a director of IPAC in Delhi on coal scam charges shocked a large section of voters shocked. Suddenly, the die-hard Mamata admirers are getting a sense that Mamata is losing control over things.

The actions initiated against IPAC bosses and a few TMC leaders have helped BJP 'campaign cause'. 

Narendra Modi himself threw up a warning -- The Prime Minister in a public meeting warned Trinamool "goons and syndicates" to surrender by April 29.

This is like the 'loudest part' of any campaign.

Never has Modi done something like this in an election rally in any state earlier. Addressing a BJP rally in Bishnupur, Modi said, “I am giving one last chance to all TMC goons, syndicates, and corrupt elements. 

Surrender at your nearest police station before April 29. No one will be spared after May 4. The mafia of Bishnupur and TMC's syndicate, listen carefully, this will no longer be tolerated.”

On political front, BJP's manifesto here was practical and even going against the saffron party's unofficial declaration not to encourage freebies.

The Sankalp Patra for Bengal had "doles generously listed out".

Mamata could not match such promises,

Moreover, TMC's growth graph is pathetic. Badly managed economy in last 15 years have made things worse and her govt has "resources problems" so much that she had no option of increasing doles. 

Mamata’s campaign focused on SII and silly issues like they offered "fish delicacies" for Amit Shah's 15-day stay plan. This sounded cheap, ridiculous and unlike Bengali culture - where you are showing "assamman (disrespect)" to a guest's food habits.

 

Under pressure 'coherence' of a political campaign was lost.

One former TMC MP says: "I remember 2014 March when Didi lost that political coherence after Ram Lila Maidan rally flopped. There were empty chairs and even chief guest for the day's rally Anna Hazare did not come". 

ends 

Real taunt ::: "If the wife of a politician can become a politician, if the children of a politician can become politician" :::::: Pronouncing the order, Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma made a series of pointed observations on recusal plea

Catch-22 for me, win-win for Kejriwal: What Justice Sharma said on recusal plea 

"If a judge's order is set aside by a superior court, it does not give a litigant the right to stand here and claim that the judge is unfit to hear the case.

Judge refuses to withdraw from Kejriwal's case

"Justice doesn't bow to pressure"

Recusal would not be prudence, but abdication of duty. It would be an act of surrender." - the judge asserted. 

"If he [Kejriwal] does not get the relief, he will say that he had already predicted the outcome. If he gets the relief, he can say the court acted under pressure. The litigant may portray the situation whichever way it suits his narrative."

A Delhi High Court bench led by Justice Swarana Kanta Sharma on Monday, April 20, delivered its verdict on pleas by Arvind Kejriwal and others seeking her recusal from the excise policy case. 

In a sharp framing of the controversy, the judge described the situation as a "Catch-22" for herself but a "win-win" for the AAP chief.

Justice Sharma, after delivering a detailed verdict both in English and Hindi, ultimately rejected the recusal applications.

On the allegation that she attended events organised by Akhil Bharatiya Adhivakta Parishad (ABAP), which is affiliated to RSS, she said that the same were not political events.

"They were programmes on new criminal laws and the women's day events or to interact with younger members of the bar. Many judges have been participating in those events. Such participation cannot be used to insinuate ideological bias," she stated.

The relationship between the Bar and the Bench is not confined to courtrooms, the judge underscored.

The case stemmed from applications moved by Kejriwal, Manish Sisodia and others, urging Justice Sharma to recuse herself from hearing the Central Bureau of Investigation's plea challenging his discharge in the liquor policy case.

The AAP chief argued that prior adverse orders by the judge, including refusal of relief to him and other accused like Manish Sisodia and K Kavitha, indicated bias. He also alleged a "conflict of interest", claiming the judge's children were empanelled as central government lawyers.

Justice Sharma, while placing Kejriwal's additional submissions on record, addressed both the legal and institutional implications of such recusal pleas in a series of pointed remarks.  

"If the wife of a politician can become a politician, if the children of a politician can become politicians." 

How can it be said that the children of a judge can't enter the profession of law? This would mean taking away the fundamental rights of a family of judges".

In the opinion of this court, even if the relatives of this court are on the government panel, the litigant has to show the impact of that on the present case or the decision-making power of this court. No such nexus has been shown.

Justice Sharma also said:

"As an officer of this court i am conscious of the fact that a lie even if repeated thousand times in court or on social media does not become truth. It remains false. Truth doesn't lose its force merely because a lie is repeated several times.

"I choose the path to resolve the controversy. 

The strength of judiciary lies in its strong resolve to decide the acquisitions. I have written the order without being affected by anything."  

Orders favouring Kejriwal not highlighted

Justice Sharma referred to certain examples of Kejriwal being granted ex-parte relief by her. However, he never raised any allegation of bias then since the orders were in his favour, the Court said.

"People belonging to Arvind Kejriwal's party did not argue that no interim order should be passed in their favour. 

There are several other cases pending before this Court, including the leaders belonging to Arvind Kejriwal's party. 

Many such orders have been continued by this Court and this judge but not allegations were raised then because perhaps the order was in their favour."

If Modi's 'campaign against Opposition' on Women Bill is successful, the framing will resonate beyond West Bengal

 The defeat of the 131st Constitutional Amendment Bill on women’s reservation and delimitation may reshape electoral politics—potentially hurting the Opposition more than the BJP.

Congress has already lost its previous vote banks – the upper caste Hindus to BJP, the OBC to Yadavs (SP and RJD), Dalits to Mayawati-led BSP, and Muslims to AIUDF, SP and RJD.

If women voters begin to drift away as well, the consequences could be severe.

By NIRENDRA DEV

New Delhi, — Was the push for women’s reservation a political miscalculation by Narendra Modi, or a calculated gamble aimed at West Bengal? 

The answer may lie not in Parliament, but in the ballot boxes of West Bengal and Tamil Nadu.

At first glance, the move appeared unnecessary. With crucial elections looming—particularly in West Bengal—the timing raised eyebrows. In Tamil Nadu, the BJP is not even the principal challenger to the DMK, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. So why push a contentious and complex proposal combining women’s reservation with delimitation?

One possibility: this was less a legislative effort and more a political trap.

Despite rising participation of women voters across India, structural barriers continue to limit their representation in politics. Yet, linking women’s reservation to delimitation—a far more divisive and politically sensitive exercise—complicated the narrative. Critics argued this diluted the core objective of women’s empowerment.

Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi framed it bluntly: “This is not a women’s bill… This is an attempt to change the electoral map of India.” Even Shashi Tharoor cautioned that southern states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu should not be penalized for successfully controlling population growth.

The last delimitation exercise dates back to 1971, making the issue politically explosive. Southern leaders, including Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. K. Stalin, called the proposal a “punishment” for progressive states.

Meanwhile, in West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee has built a formidable women-centric support base through welfare schemes like Lakshmir Bhandar. 

In the 2021 Assembly elections, her party, the All India Trinamool Congress, secured 213 out of 294 seats with a 48% vote share, significantly ahead of the BJP’s 39%. 

Among women voters, the gap was even wider—reportedly around 13%.

The BJP’s strategy, reportedly shaped by Amit Shah and Modi, may have been to corner the Opposition: support the bill and concede political ground, or oppose it and risk appearing anti-women. If successful, this framing could resonate beyond West Bengal.

However, this rests on a key assumption—that women voters prioritize symbolic representation over direct economic benefits. Evidence suggests otherwise. Welfare schemes and cash transfers often carry more electoral weight than legislative promises. Issues like safety and dignity—highlighted by the BJP in incidents such as Sandeshkhali—have not consistently translated into votes.

For the Opposition, the situation is equally precarious. While they may claim a tactical win by blocking the bill, the political optics could backfire. The Congress, in particular, faces a shrinking coalition. Over the years, it has lost significant support among upper castes, OBCs, Dalits, and Muslims to various regional and national players.

If women voters begin to drift away as well, the consequences could be severe.

Amit Shah has already sharpened the narrative, accusing the Opposition of “deceiving half the country’s population.” His warning is clear: the electoral repercussions could extend well beyond the next general election.

In the end, this episode may not be about legislative success or failure. It is about narrative control. 

If the BJP successfully portrays the Opposition as obstructing women’s empowerment, the political dividends could be substantial. 

But if voters see through the strategy as opportunistic, it could just as easily backfire.

The real verdict will come not from Parliament—but from the electorate.

courtesy - The Raisina Hills 

TMC not only glamorized Tollabaji ::: In industrial sector, it brought in Structural Decline :::: Over 6,688 companies relocated registered offices out of West Bengal from 2011 till 2025

The first phase of polling in West Bengal will take place on April 23. 

In the unprecedented scale of campaigning and mudslinging; major issues concerning the future of the state got derailed. One such issue has been structural decline in the industrial sector.

Over 6,688 companies relocated registered offices out of West Bengal from 2011 till 2025 

TMC not only glamorized Tollabaji ::: In industrial sector, it brought in Structural Decline  

In broad sense, industrial atmosphere in West Bengal starting from the Left regime and even earlier; was/is opinionated by a political movement  that ensures  

... electoral incentives to resist growth and industrial development. 

 The Trinamool Congress (TMC) years after 2011 brought different language than that of the Left regime but similar structural outcomes. 

Around 110 listed firms also quit the state, according to Govt disclosures in Parliament.

Critics accuse the TMC of fostering a "syndicate" culture, where local leaders dominate construction and supply sectors, discouraging legitimate investment.

Infrastructure and Policy: Inadequate infrastructure expenditure and as some describe it, poor industrial policy have been cited as key factors leading to the decline, resulting in a low 2.95% expenditure on infrastructure by 2022–23.

The state’s share in national GDP has slid further to 5.6% in 2023-24, from 10.5% in 1960-61. This has been the sharpest long-run decline of any major Indian state. 

Per capita income, once 127.5% of the national average, now stands at 83.7%.  

There have been issues with policy decisions of the political ad administrative leadership. 

Even with Singur - a wrong messaging had gone down the line. 

The problem at Singur was not that large industry cannot be established in West Bengal. 

The land acquisition process was erroneous and coercive. The compensation regime was not well defined and was ill-structured.

Unionism meant there would "electoral incentives and dividends" for ensuring joblessness and total absence of a good and smooth efficient working culture. 

West Bengal has a specific legislative barrier in the West Bengal Land Reforms Act,

It says there has to be "case-by-case" state approval for landholding beyond 24 acres for industrial purposes.

There is no smooth Land Bank Authority 

The BJP - if comes to power - will have to work towards a rules-based transparent framework.

In today's system; there is a sweeping power for discretionary political clearance.

There would be need of a new structure under which -- Corporate efficiency of Gujarat Model or even Hyderabad Model must be brought in. 

But many say in initial years - the chief minister will have to show Political Guts and even experiment with the Yogi's Bulldozer (read firmness) Model of Uttar Pradesh.  

Old Records and Good Deeds thrown away by Misgovernance and Trade unionism  

In 1947 and after, West Bengal started on a strong foundation.

- ** There was a dense railway network

** A highly literate and commercially sophisticated workforce

*** Proximity to the coal and steel belts of the then Bihar and present day Jharkhand and parts of rural Odisha.

*** There was also a deep-water port with direct access to global shipping lanes.

But all these advantages now look fictional or have disappeared. 

In 1950-51, everyone knew Calcutta as the undisputed industrial nerve centre. 

West Bengal had 1,493 registered factories — the highest in numbrs in any state.

Even the combined total of Maharashtra and Gujarat was less than of Bengal.

The Organised sector employment in Bengal then stood at 27% of the national share and the industrial output at 24%. 

The Hooghly belt ran world-class jute processing, heavy engineering workshops.

Wrap up

The symptoms of destabilisation of the economic equilibrium of the state and chiefly the onetime industrial regions around the locked out industries have become so normal and yet pathetic stories. Meeting former workers in these regions and sub-regions will give glimpses of different stories of workers being betrayed. 

An overwhelming of them had voted for Mamata in 2011 and also in subsequent elections. Except for freebies; nothing much seemed to have happened.   

In the 1960s and 1970s; it was a different world and a different Bengal too.

In circa 2026 - it may sound unsound.

After partition members of 'refugee colonies' - mostly Hindus  and some even from adjoining places in Bihar and Odisha, secured employment. 

Even then there was an effort to provide economic independence to women.

There were mills with crèches even 70 years back. 

Most of these mills supported setting up of consumer co-operatives to offer workers with fair price shops. 

Economic support for children’s education was easily available from the management. It maybe surprising to hear the emotional outbursts of surviving old timers.

The management was not a bad word. The company often helped in carrying out expenses of religious festivals, community gatherings and health related matters. But once unionism strengthened its grip -contrast to what was expected; things collapsed. 

Will things be corrected post May 4 ?

ends