Punjab elections open avenues for Congress to win one state lost five years back :::: Law and Order and Drug issue may provide some scopes to BJP to garner votes as well

Punjab is certainly heading for a multi-cornered contest. We have the AAP on one side and Congress as the principal challenger. 

The BJP is not a major force and its prospects of going for an alliance with an old ally - the Shiromani Akali Dal is not yet clear. 

The AAP is running short of ideas and even political capital. While the CJP is active in Maharashtra and Delhi; its friendship with the AAP may not help Punjab's ruling party get extra votes.

If the Mann Govt continues with its callous approach on law and order and drug issue; it may find itself politically vulnerable. Punjabis are not happy because AAP's performance is less than average on the arrest and conviction of gangsters and drug mafia. 

The BJP in Punjab has vowed to eradicate the drug menace and also fight the supply from across the border in Pakistan. No less than Home Minister Amit Shah has taken up the cause. With his image of a macho and determined Home Minister - who eradicated Naxal menace; many in Punjab are reposing some faith in the central government.

The BJP regularly uses the state's drug menace as a key political issue to criticize the ruling Aam Aadmi Party regime under Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann. Essentially, the BJP leaders accuse the state government of failing to fulfill its pre-election promise in 2022 to completely eradicate the drug trade.

The BJP organizes demonstrations, marches, and memorandums directed at local administrations, demanding stricter enforcement against drug networks and narco-trafficking across the border.

Local BJP leaders also advocate for "deeper involvement" or targeted crackdowns by central law enforcement and intelligence agencies to break the supply chains of narcotics entering Punjab. 

The brutal murder of noted anti drug activist Parvinder Jhota on camera has shaken Punjabis. They are already tired of the daily routine of killings and extortion, which have created a sense of fear about their safety and doubts about effective policing in the state. 

Reports of drug-related deaths only add to their sense of disgust. 

"In Parvinder Jhota, society has lost a well-meaning former kabaddi player who would not have had to take the law into his own hands had the drug inspectors honestly done their job...," wrote Nirmal Sandhu in an article in 'The Tribune' newspaper.  

BJP Punjab unit president Sardar Kewal Singh Dhillon addressed a media conference at the Central Office in New Delhi on Wednesday, and blasted the AAP government. He demanded the resignation of Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann and said that the BJP was committed to eliminating drug abuse and crime from Punjab.   

Much importantly, the BJP poll strategists think their flagging off the drug supply and menace issue is going to help make deeper penetration in rural Punjab especially amongst women. This is an highly emotive issue for women and if the outreach is good enough; the Lotus party may spring a major surprise in many constituencies. 

However, it is no body's claim that the BJP will come to power in Punjab on its own. If not before polls; the saffron outfit will require a post-poll alliance certainly. 

And in such a scenario; it should draw enough satisfaction. 

The BJP leaders say that Punjab was known for its Gurus, Pirs, Prophets, brave warriors who fought for the country, sportspersons and the Green Revolution. However, it was deeply unfortunate that the same Punjab was now becoming known for 'Chitta' and drug abuse. 

They claim "there was no law and order left in Punjab" and that the state was witnessing jungle raj. There was hardly a day in Punjab when people did not wake up to reports of several people being shot dead. 

The law and order situation in the state is very poor. 

The BJP has already undertaken a major yatra against this menace, which was launched by BJP national president Nitin Nabin.

The party commenced the yatra from all four directions and concluded it in Jalandhar. Union Home Minister Amit Shah addressed a massive public rally, where he stated that only the BJP has the ability to eradicate drug abuse. 

Setting a target of 31st March 2029, Shah has affirmed that his party would uproot the menace from Punjab once the party can form the government in the state. Displaying seriousness on the matter; Prime Minister Narendra Modi also stated in his Mann Ki Baat programme in September that drug abuse would be completely eradicated from India.

ends 

Guest Column :::: Knowledge is important, more so in these debate about SIR -- by M Chuba Ao (former BJP national vice president) ::::: Draft or final? Which category? *** Was verification done? ## Were claims/objections allowed? What was the final outcome?

There are two ways of understanding things. 

The most critical requirement of the contemporary world is Democracy. This is one. Secondly, the representative form of governance is now a desirable thing. I am linking these quickly to elections and hence automatically -- we are also led to the ongoing debate about SIR and the ongoing issues around it. I would not like to join the political debate. In contrast, let me try to focus on the facts and figures. Perhaps these can help our esteemed readers under things more clearly.

 

People are talking across the nation about deletion of 13 crore votes.

Obviously, the number is large enough to create a strong impression. But this "refers" to entries placed in four draft-stage categories during the electoral-roll revision.

-- 2.8 crore names deleted — are Dead

-- 3 crore voters — are officially untraceable or missing.

And 6.3 crore voters — are permanently shifted and one crore — Multiple Enrolment.

These four categories are collectively referred to as ASDD. The ASDD list stands for Absent, Shifted, Dead, and Duplicate electors.

Those who are debating these issues and even making allegations against Election Commission are not appreciating the fact that the 'electoral-roll process' does not mean final list. There are stages involving -- claims, objections, verification and finalisation.

We may have to understand further that the 'number' is only the starting point. The process provides the rest of the story. One of the biggest sources of confusion in the voter-list debate - as we see in the country now - is treating a draft electoral roll as though it were the final list.

They are two different stages. During revision, certain records may be flagged off. Those records appear in the draft-stage exercise so that the information can be examined.

The detractors of the BJP-led NDA and the EC are simply forgetting the related debate -- that:

* Claims can be submitted. -- Objections can be raised.

** Records are to be verified.

That means -- Notices/hearings can take place where applicable. Decisions are taken by the designated electoral officers.

And The final electoral roll is then prepared.

There is also an appeal mechanism under Section 24 for applicable electoral-roll decisions.

Now, I suggest the 'takeaway' is simple:

--- It will be erroneous to judge the final voter list from a draft-stage number alone. 

Now, some of the issues. What can happen if a voter's name is missing ?

In simple sense, it should be understood that a voter-roll revision is not supposed to be a one-step process where a computer marks a name and the matter ends there.  The process includes field verification, claims, objections and finalisation.

BLOs conduct house-to-house verification during enumeration. 

In case there is discrepancy -- the process provides for notice and, where applicable, hearing. Then, for eligible voters who need to be added to the electoral roll, Form 6 remains the route for registration.

And this is not limited to first-time voters. People who were missed earlier, as well as eligible young voters, can use the prescribed registration process.

We may take a closer view -- that when a voter has simply been “removed by software" -- the important questions are:

Was the entry only at the draft stage?,  ** Was the verification conducted?

*** Was an opportunity provided to submit a claim or objection?

For voters, knowing the correction and registration routes is more useful than relying on a viral screenshot.

*** “YOUNG VOTERS CAN'T GET REGISTERED?” :: Here is the actual process ?

For a person turning 18, voter registration is not restricted to one single date every year. Eligible citizens can qualify for enrolment on four dates:

--  1 January, -- 1 April, -- 1 July and 1 October 

The registration route is Form 6.

And the numbers show that young voters are entering the electoral roll in large numbers. Since June 2025, around 2.37 crore people aged 18–28 have been added to the electoral roll.

See the figures closely: This means approximately 16 lakh additions per month, or more than 50,000 per day during the period covered.

During SIR, an additional Declaration was attached to Form 6 for the exercise. This was intended to allow the required information to be provided through the same process rather than creating a separate application requiring another OTP.

So when a social-media post says that young or first-time voters have no route to registration, look beyond the headline.  Questions those ought to be addressed are -- 

-- Are you eligible?

-- Have you applied through Form 6?

-- Is your application being processed?

For a voter, the registration mechanism matters more than a viral claim about it.

Moreover, two different issues often get mixed together online: electoral-roll databases and EVMs. They are not the same system.

For voter registration and roll management, digital platforms such as ECINET are used to manage information and administrative workflows. 

Statutory electoral officers remain responsible for the relevant electoral-roll decisions.

EVMs are different. -- They are standalone machines and are not connected to a network. Before polling, the process includes:

-- First Level Checking, Randomisation, Mock polls, Allocation procedures and VVPAT verification mechanisms

The process also includes two rounds of randomisation for EVM allocation. VVPAT provides a paper trail, and the prescribed process includes matching VVPAT slips from five randomly selected polling stations per Assembly constituency with the corresponding EVM count.

There are also mechanisms for requesting burnt-memory verification in applicable circumstances. So claims such as “the voter database is digital, therefore votes can simply be changed electronically” combine separate systems and skip the procedural safeguards around polling and counting.

Technology is involved in election administration. But technology, electoral-roll decisions, EVM operation and verification are separate parts of the overall process.

Understanding that distinction is essential before drawing conclusions from a viral post.

Short “Fact Check” posts

This question is also important. *** CAN A VOTER CHALLENGE A RECORD?

The answer is --- 

Yes. The electoral roll process provides for claims and objections before finalisation. So a draft stage entry is not necessarily the end of the process.

WHO CHECKS THE GROUND REALITY?

Voterroll revision includes house to house verification by BLOs. The process therefore involves field verification—not just a computer database.

WHAT ABOUT NEW 18YEAROLD VOTERS?

Eligible young voters can register on four qualifying dates:

1 Jan • 1 Apr • 1 Jul • 1 Oct ***** Form 6 remains available for enrolment.

HAS FORM 6 BEEN REPLACED?

No. The Form 6 remains the registration route. During SIR, an additional Declaration was attached to Form 6 for the exercise.

WAS AI (Artificial Intelligence) USED TO PREPARE THE VOTER LIST?

This is incorrect.

Voter Awareness is key. Keep yourself well informed and updated.

One question may be asked:

WHAT HAPPENED IN THE GOA 97 VOTER CASE?

Answer: The issue involved 97 voters and inadvertent errors at the ERO level, not an automated software decision to reject 97 voters. The affected cases were subsequently processed.

CAN A VOTER WHO MOVES HOUSE REMAIN REGISTERED AT THE OLD ADDRESS?

Electoral registration is linked to ordinary residence. When people permanently move, their electoral registration needs to reflect their new residence. Form 6 provides the route for updating enrolment.

WHY DID BELA ESTATE GO FROM 729 VOTERS TO 1 ?

The change followed demolition and resettlement, with residents no longer ordinarily residing at the old location. Around 500 affected voters submitted Form 6 to register at their new addresses.

YOU MIGHT ASK; ARE EVMs CONNECTED TO THE INTERNET?

No. EVMs are standalone machines. The process also includes First Level Checking, randomisation and mock polls before voting.

HOW CAN YOU CHECK A VIRAL VOTERLIST CLAIM?

Before sharing, ask:

Draft or final? Which category? *** Was verification done?

## Were claims/objections allowed? What was the final outcome?

Good luck. Be a happy voter. Voting is every Indian's basic democratic right once he or she is 18 years old.

ends 

(Views are personal) 

There was a time when political leaders preferred Populism as a means of connecting with voters ::: Mulayam Singh Yadav was a key protagonist

By concentrating on Yadavs and Muslims, Mulayam left  political space for the BJP to mobilise non-Yadav OBCs and other Hindu communities, reshaping Uttar Pradesh’s electoral landscape ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections. 

Mulayam Singh Yadav understood the power of caste mobilisation, but his  politics had a fundamental limitation: he concentrated on Muslims and Yadavs. In doing so, he left a wider constituency of non-Yadav Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and other Hindu communities open to mobilisation by the BJP, changing the political grammar of Uttar Pradesh.

This is the political landscape as it stands in 2026.

In the 403-member Uttar Pradesh Assembly, the Samajwadi Party (SP) currently has 101 MLAs and the Congress two. The SP had won 37 seats in 2017 before increasing its tally by 64 to 101 in the 2022 Assembly elections. The BJP, which won 302 seats in 2017, saw its tally fall to 255 in 2022.

Today, there is much discussion about Gen Z and the emergence of a “neo-aspirational India”, a category that goes beyond the traditional neo-middle class. 

There was a time, however, when political leaders preferred populism as a means of connecting with voters. Mulayam Singh Yadav, the former Uttar Pradesh chief minister, was among them. 

The caste arithmetic behind the BJP’s rise 

The social composition of Uttar Pradesh has long made caste alliances central to electoral calculations. Estimates commonly used in political analyses around the 2017 elections placed the general-category population at approximately 23.6 per cent, including Brahmins, Rajputs or Thakurs, Baniyas, and Kayasthas.

The OBCs were estimated to account for around 45 per cent of the population. Within this broad category, political estimates distinguished between dominant or core OBC communities, including Yadavs, Lodhs, Kurmis and Jats, and Most Backward Classes (MBCs), including Rajbhars, Nishads, Kumhars and Kahars.

The estimates cited in this political analysis put dominant or core OBC groups at approximately 18 per cent and MBCs at around 16.7 per cent. 

These figures should be treated as estimates rather than official, comprehensive caste-enumeration results.  

The BJP’s political achievement was to reach beyond its traditional upper-caste support base and consolidate sections of these non-Yadav OBC communities alongside other Hindu voters. This widened its social coalition and weakened the assumption that OBC politics in Uttar Pradesh would remain centred on the Samajwadi Party.  

Another consequential development was Mulayam’s gradual accommodation of his son Akhilesh Yadav within the party organisation. In 2012, Akhilesh became chief minister, marking a generational transition in the SP. 

“I love the Mahabharat analogy. In fact, when Mulayam had chosen to make his son the CM in 2012, we immediately saw in the eye of our mind the image of Dhritarashtra,” says Sanjeev Nachiketa, a former Uttar Pradesh politician now settled in Gujarat.

The analogy captures one criticism of Mulayam’s leadership: that personal and family considerations increasingly influenced the party’s organisation and succession.

In comparing Mulayam with Bihar leader Lalu Prasad Yadav, some observers considered the former more willing to take political risks and more pragmatic in his calculations. 

By the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the SP leadership had discovered that relying on the fear of a resurgent Hindu political mobilisation was not enough to sustain its electoral position.  

In 2017, the BJP made Hindutva a central plank of its Uttar Pradesh campaign, alongside its broader political messaging. The SP was pushed back, the BSP lost ground, and Yogi Adityanath became chief minister. 

Ayodhya, political alliances and the limits of personal manoeuvring

Mulayam’s first tenure as Uttar Pradesh chief minister, from 1989 to 1991, was brief but consequential. His government depended on outside support from the Congress, a relationship that eventually broke down.

His handling of the Ayodhya movement proved especially contentious. In October 1990, security forces fired on kar sevaks near the disputed structure. The action became a defining episode in his political career and contributed to his polarising image.

Many Hindu critics accused him of being excessively accommodating towards Muslims and heavy-handed towards Hindu protesters. At the same time, his critics among minorities questioned his inability to prevent subsequent violence and protect the disputed site. 

His handling of Ayodhya thus became a lasting source of political contention.   

Mulayam, however, was pursuing a political strategy. In the post-liberalisation period, aspirational groups in India’s most populous state felt left out of the emerging economic opportunities. 

The Lohiaite emphasis on mother tongues appealed to a section of the electorate and helped the Samajwadi Party consolidate support.

Mulayam was an astute politician with a keen ear to the ground. Yet his social coalition remained narrower than the wider OBC mobilisation he professed to champion.

Yadavs formed the SP’s core social base, while Muslims constituted another important constituency. Other OBC communities and Dalits, however, were not integrated into the same political arrangement to a comparable degree. 

Dalits gravitated towards the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) under Mayawati for a period. Subsequently, the BJP successfully mobilised a broader Hindu constituency, including non-Yadav OBCs, particularly in the 2014 Lok Sabha and 2017 Assembly elections.

That constituency would prove decisive in reshaping Uttar Pradesh politics.

Mulayam also developed a reputation for unpredictable political manoeuvering. 

He played a significant role in the political developments surrounding Sonia Gandhi’s unsuccessful 1999 bid to become prime minister. His association with Amar Singh, who became an influential figure in the SP, changed the party’s political style and power equations. 

Yet the socialist tradition around Mulayam was never limited to one individual. Leaders such as Mohan Singh, Janeshwar Mishra and Rewati Raman Singh were also important to the party’s political identity. Amar Singh’s arrival added a different dimension to Mulayam’s political and personal world.

In 1993, Mulayam joined hands with Kanshi Ram and the BSP to form a government, halting the BJP’s advance after the Babri Masjid demolition. 

The alliance demonstrated the potential of a combined OBC-Dalit political front. However, it collapsed dramatically in 1995, exposing the fragility of alliances built around competing leadership ambitions and social constituencies.  

The 2024 Lok Sabha elections offered the SP a significant boost. It won 37 of Uttar Pradesh’s 80 seats, while the Congress secured six. The BJP won 33 seats and the National Democratic Alliance 36 in the state. 

These results demonstrated that the SP could expand its appeal through an alliance with the Congress. But sustaining that coalition into a state election will require more than a favourable seat-sharing arrangement. It will require the party to maintain its core support while reaching communities that have moved towards the BJP.

The legacy of Mulayam’s  politics

Mulayam was a former wrestler, and his  political style often resembled the sport: direct, combative and focused on reading the opponent. He believed in OBC mobilisation but built his strongest electoral base around Yadavs, while relying heavily on Muslim support.

His limitation was not that caste mobilisation failed as a political strategy. It was that his version of it did not adequately accommodate the full range of communities that could have formed a broader social coalition.

The BJP recognised that opening and turned non-Yadav OBCs and other Hindu communities into a significant part of its electoral base. That shift changed the political grammar of Uttar Pradesh, making it harder for the SP to claim that OBC politics naturally translated into support for Yadav-led leadership.Buy Maps

Mulayam’s legacy also includes a family-centred party structure and allegations of cronyism. His language policy reflected another aspect of his populist approach: he made the use of Hindi mandatory in offices, courts and local establishments. It took years for the SP to move away from its anti-English position, a shift that coincided with the rise of his foreign-educated son, Akhilesh, within the party.

The central lesson of Mulayam Singh Yadav’s political career is that a durable social coalition requires more than loyalty from a core constituency. It must also accommodate groups that do not automatically identify with the party’s traditional base.

In Uttar Pradesh, the BJP understood that opportunity and exploited it. The challenge for Akhilesh Yadav ahead of 2027 is to demonstrate that the Samajwadi Party can build a coalition broad enough to compete—not simply revive the politics of his father, but overcome its limitations.

ends 

Magistrate's order ::: -- "The past conduct of both accused persons (CJP's Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka) shows that they violated the lawful directions of the authorities"

"The past conduct of both accused persons (CJP's Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka) shows that they violated the lawful directions of the authorities. 

The present conduct of both accused persons shows that they are likely to breach peace and tranquility in the area," commented Special Executive Magistrate (SEM) Mahesh Kumar Meena in his order.

He said the leaders' past conduct showed they had violated lawful directions of the authorities. He noted that they had executed bonds to maintain peace and good behaviour for a year but allegedly breached them after their release by issuing protest calls on social media and attempting to mobilise people at Jantar Mantar on Saturday (Oct 10).   

The magistrate ordered that notices be issued to both leaders under Section 130 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), remanding them to judicial custody for five days. 

Another CJP leader, Ajinkya Shinde, was bound down to maintain peace and good behaviour for six months and released on a personal bond and a surety of Rs 5,000.  

"Respondents 1) Mr Saurav Das, age 27 years, and 2) Mr Ashutosh Ranka, age 30 years, are produced in police custody before this court. Both of them were apprised of their rights as detained persons and were heard at length. Their constitutional rights as an accused were explained to them in Hindi, a language understood by all of them. A copy of Kalandra is provided to both respondents free of cost. 

I have perused the Kalandra and other materials available on record" the magistrate said.  

"The complainant, SI Mohit Bhati, No. D-6556, appeared before this court. As per the Investigating Officer, inputs were received that on 13.10.2026, some CJP workers, under the leadership of Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka, might create a disturbance at Jantar Mantar (which is no longer a designated protest site) and disrupt the law and order situation. Adequate security arrangements were made in this regard. The staff deployed for the arrangements were properly briefed and instructed to remain vigilant.

These persons had also posted extensively on social media urging the public to gather. Around 9 am, some persons, along with CJP leaders Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka, jumped from inside the premises of the JDU Office and reached Jantar Mantar. They began raising slogans and creating a disturbance. They were brought under control with difficulty with the help of the staff.

Even prior to this incident, information regarding a protest call was given by the CJP through social media at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi, on 10.10.2026, without obtaining permission from the Delhi Police authorities. Further, inputs were received that the CJP members might continue their protest and create a law and order situation. 

"Accordingly, a police team was deployed at IGI Airport, Terminal-3, New Delhi, on 10.10.2026, as the above-said CJP members were expected to arrive by flight to participate in the proposed protest."

ends 

History makes way for Hope :::: A crisis of confidence in election umpire reflects Mega Crisis in India's Opposition camp ::: Truth wears many Names -- Delimitation and Women's Quota Bill may threaten Congress and ecosystem

"If it had been a hung or a fractured verdict then one can say that people had vented their anger against the government and that it was anti-establishment. 

But by giving BJP an absolute majority they have voted for hope and trust. People have voted for hope and faith. And I will do everything to fulfill their aspirations." -- These words were stated by Narendra Modi in circa even before he became Prime Minister of India. 

Namo made the remarks on May 20, 2014 after he was elected as BJP's parliamentary party leader to formally stake claim for appointment as Prime Minister of India.  

Why and How these words have become relevant in circa 2026 ?  One reason is even after 12 years and more; the so-called anti-incumbency as we know has not come to haunt his regime even as in 2024 he got a mild taste of the same. Nevertheless, it is a fact that he is one of the few or even rare leaders in most democracies who have survived the onslaught of public anguish after Covid19. 

People of India continue to show confidence in him and his party - BJP - is on a growth graph even in provinces where it hardly mattered in terms of electoral presence. The West Bengal mandate was a classic case and this has left the opposition parties demoralised. 

The 'big picture' Bengal message was people are continuing to show faith in Modi and his party.  Note this what Modi had said on May 20th, 2014 - nearly a week before he became the Prime Minister.  

"A new hope has arisen in the common man. This is the biggest significance of this election results (of 2014). 

At the end of the day for whom is the government? It is for the poor. The new government will dedicate itself for the poor, crores and crores of youth and for the safety and security of the mothers and sisters, those in the rural areas, oppressed and the deprived." 

 

On the other side -- things far off from real polity were working. The policies and programmes of the Modi Govt and especially implementing the Hindutva agenda have created a big crowd of anti-Modi army. They include Muslim celebrities in Mumbai. 

This 'hate-Modi club' encouraged by certain foreign players and the Left-Congress ecosystem created a "movement" earlier this year.

They tried to give a necessary spin with the fault line in NEET and called it a "youth-led campaign".  Now the series of protests since July is to create a 'broader platform' of resistance against Modi cutting across political, cultural, and generational lines.  Rahul Gandhi has exposed the agenda too when he said the real target is not Gyanesh Kumar -- but Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah. 

That means the real target is 'regime change' and even anarchism is acceptable. 

In 2024 -- after election results - the opposition was hopeful of creating cracks in the NDA. JD-U and TDP were targeted. Then the Congress used a gentleman called Jagdeep Dhankhar, the highly ambitious Vice President of India. Nothing seemed to work.  

One reason is India is not Bangladesh or Nepal.

, and the parallel should not be pushed too far. Bangladesh’s movement hardened into a one-point demand for the Awami League government’s exit only after the state responded to protests over the quota system with live fire. 

Nothing comparable to Dhaka and Kathmandu has happened in New Delhi although there was provocation. In July, the Govt despite its reluctance tried to buy peace and made Dharmendra Pradhan resign.

But the opposition wanted more and rather quickly. They are nervous as the President of India has not yet 'prorogued' the monsoon session of Parliament. That means - the Session can be called with a short notice and two high volatile Delimitation and Women's quota Bills could be taken up. 

India’s huge size is a factor too. In simple words - there is no single pressure point. Secondly, the Home Ministry and Delhi police have acted smart by disallowing any crowd gathering in Jantar Mantar - a venue which was too close to Indian Parliament for creating any major problems. This was the reason the July protests went out of hands.   

In October, the Modi Govt is appearing more prepared. And at the same time, the Congress and opposition parties by their over confidence and 'mishandling' of issues have created problems for themselves. 

Rahul Gandhi's move of seeking a personal interaction with CJI Surya Kant has made them file petitions. By design or utter callousness, Rahul's own papers submitted to the Supreme Court had 14 lacuna. Mallikarjun Kharge's photo copy of I-card had an issue and even 'vakalatnamas' were an issue with many opposition leaders.  

Moreover, by going to the court for a judicial redressal they will have to accept the court mandate. 

There is another political reason. The BJP also governs in many states across India and hence turmoil in one or even a few cities will not be able to unleash a complete halt to administrative machineries.

Moreover, the opposition protest mechanism often appears comical. A chief minister D K Shivkumar participated in protest in Delhi (look for the video wherein Rahul is seen elbowing him) -- his police arrested anti-SIR protesters in Karnataka. 

In AAP-ruled Punjab, there was appreciation for the process of SIR and in Kerala --- present chief minister had said the SIR exercise was good and it helped Congress score victory against the communists. 

Now, paradoxically - the Left, Congress and other parties including AAP have joined hands saying SIR process should be halted and Gyanesh Kumar must resign.  

Hence, elements of being 'convinced' by the protesters are lacking. 

There is talk about 'outside influences'.  This has discredited the opposition parties. Being in opposition cannot be a virtue or an excuse to evade accountability. The Congress ill-intent lay exposed in the tweet against chief justice of India and the manner it was claimed that Congress party can easily find his replacement. 

This sense of entitlement has made Congress arrogant. But the predicament on how to handle BJP on one hand and the Congress (directionless politics) on the other hand has made rest of the opposition parties appear like headless chicken.  

The idiom "to run around like a headless chicken" means to act in a frantic, panicked, disorganized, or inefficient way—doing a lot of things rapidly without a clear plan or useful result.

Do I have to define the Congress party yet again ? 

Blogger 

ends 

  

"By participating in BRICS in Delhi, Bangladesh could have gained valuable experience and opened new opportunities," - says Sheikh Hasina

"BRICS is not simply a diplomatic gathering. It brings together major emerging economies and creates opportunities for cooperation in trade, investment, infrastructure, technology and development," says former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

"I want to stand beside the people of Bangladesh, fight for their rights, and help restore democracy".

"By participating (in BRICS, Delhi), Bangladesh could have gained valuable experience and opened new opportunities for its own economic and social development. That opportunity was lost," she said.   

"It was deeply unfortunate that Bangladesh chose not to participate. In my view, it was an immature decision and one that did not serve Bangladesh's national interest," Hasina said.

The former prime minister said foreign policy cannot be conducted through personal reaction or short-term political calculation.

"India is our closest neighbour and an important historic partner, but BRICS engagement is also about Bangladesh's own place in the international community," she noted.

The 78-year-old Hasina, living in Delhi since August 5, 2024, recalled, how then Bangladesh prime minister Ziaur Rahman visited New Delhi in 1979 even when she was staying in India.

"After the assassination of the Father of the Nation, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, along with members of my family on August 15, 1975, and the killing of the four national leaders inside Dhaka Central Jail on November 3, Ziaur Rahman came to power through an unconstitutional process," Hasina said in response to written questions from PTI.

"Yet when he visited Delhi in 1977, I was living in Delhi. When he travelled to London in 1980, I was also in London. My presence in either city did not prevent him from travelling there," she said.

"So why should my presence in Delhi prevent Ziaur Rahman's son, Tarique Rahman, from coming to India today? What is the real reason behind such a decision?" she asked.

"Relations between two countries cannot be determined by personal considerations or political sensitivities involving one individual".  

Morarji Desai 

Prime Minister Morarji Desai visited Dhaka from April 16 to April 18, 1979, while Bangladesh President Zia-ur Rahman visited New Delhi earlier in December 1977.

The then Bangladesh President visited New Delhi shortly after taking power and met with Indian PM Morarji Desai and President Neelam Sanjiva Reddy to discuss bilateral matters and regional cooperation.

Sheikh Hasina also highlighted how her government's foreign policy approach helped Bangladesh's economic growth.

"During my tenure, we maintained strong relations with India while also expanding cooperation with China, Russia, Japan, the United States, Europe and many other partners," she said.

"Friendship with one country never required hostility towards another. Bangladesh needs a mature, balanced and confident foreign policy. 

A responsible government should open doors for the country, not close them," she said.

The India-Bangladesh relations came under some fresh strain after Hasina held a virtual media interaction in New Delhi on August 5.

Dhaka has been demanding for Hasina's extradition and even sought to link it with Bangladesh PM Tarique Rahman's planned trip to India. 

New Delhi sought to distance itself from the event, saying it neither played a role in it nor endorsed Hasina's comments.

The former prime minister also attacked the Tarique Rahman government for its overall foreign policy direction, and said it should be "independent, balanced and guided by national interest".

Hasina, without divulging specific details of her return to Bangladesh, said she is going back to restore democracy. "Thousands have been jailed, many more have been forced into hiding, and families have lost homes, jobs, businesses and livelihoods simply because of their political identity," she said.

"My return is part of the struggle to restore democracy, voting rights and the rule of law. I want to stand beside the people of Bangladesh, fight for their rights, and help restore democracy, security and development in my country," she said.

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Law taking its course :::: CJP's Saurav Das, Ashutosh Ranka sent to Tihar jail for 5 days, Ajinkya Shinde let off

CJP's Saurav Das, Ashutosh Ranka sent to Tihar jail for 5 days, Ajinkya Shinde let off

Three CJP leaders were detained after allegedly entering Jantar Mantar without authorisation. Police have registered a case against them.  

Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) leaders Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka were sent to Tihar Jail for five days for allegedly violating their peace bonds and trespassing into Jantar Mantar, which was recently denotified as a designated protest site, police sources said. Their associate Ajinkya Shinde has been allowed to walk out after signing a peace bond.

The three were produced before the court of the Special Executive Magistrate (SEM) on Wednesday. While Das and Ranka were sent to judicial custody, Shinde was allowed to leave after completing the bond formalities.   

Delhi Police had registered a case against the three on charges including trespassing, violating prohibitory orders, breaching a peace bond and obstructing a public servant from discharging official duties.

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