Jamaat in poll-bound Bangladesh promises women in cabinet, youth at the helm

 

Jamaat in poll-bound Bangladesg promises women in cabinet, youth at the helm in election manifesto. 

 It also lays out 26 priorities including governance reform and merit-based recruitment. 

The 90-page manifesto outlines 26 priority areas, which include an uncompromising Bangladesh in the national interest; building a humane country based on justice; empowerment of youth; building a safe, dignified and participatory state for women; overall improvement of law and order and establishment of a corruption-free state.

It promised merit-based recruitment; bringing perpetrators of extrajudicial killings to justice and ensuring fundamental human rights. It is generally believed that a prominent anti-India nation, that is Pakistan is backing Jamaat in order to corner New Delhi in geo politic in the longer term.

On the other hand; the BNP said it will build a state founded on equality, knowledge and respect for labour, priotising the people above power and merit over privilege. The party chairman Tarique Rahman's wife Dr Zubaida Rahman said on Feb 4. 

We say ‘we’ before ‘me’, 'the country' before 'us', 'the people' before 'power', and Bangladesh on top of everything and equality over division,” she said at a views-exchange meeting organised by the BNP Election Steering Committee. 

Equal opportunities for all, respect for labour, and valuing merit through merit-based jobs -- this is how we want to present a society and a state where the people come first, she said, according to Dhaka-based 'Daily Star'. 

If elected, the party also plans to create more jobs for women, improve safety in public transport, and expand access to maternal and neonatal healthcare.

Senior BNP leaders said the commitments are part of the party’s election manifesto and its 31-point reform outline, which places women’s empowerment at the centre of governance and development.

According to Bangladesh Election Commission data, of the total 12,76,95,183 voters, 6,28,79,042 are women.

Bangladesh elections have own contradictions. 

There is little doubt that nefarious actors exist—at both local and national levels—within both major party blocs, as well as within the administration and the security forces, who, if given the opportunity, may seek to tilt the electoral process in favour of one side or the other. 

While the government insists that this will be the cleanest election in the country’s history, it remains uncertain whether sufficient safeguards and scrutiny are in place—within the Election Commission, among observers, or in the media—to prevent rigging. Ultimately, this is something that can only be judged on the day itself and in subsequent reporting. That said, it seems likely that any manipulation, should it occur, will be relatively limited in scope, said an opinion piece in newspaper Daily Star penned by Bangladesh watcher David Bergman.

He also says : 

The next elected government will have a crucial role to play. It must move away from some of the most damaging practices of the interim period, including the banning of Awami League’s party activities and the use of mass arrests and prolonged detention of its members without evidence. 

Only prosecutions supported by credible and sufficient evidence should proceed; all those currently detained without such evidence should be released. 

Bangladesh army is 'acting shy' 

Ends

Congress and other opposition women MPs again moved towards the treasury benches

 Congress MP Priyanka Gandhi Vadra hit back at the ruling party, alleging that the Prime Minister avoided the House due to the protest. “He got scared and that is why he did not arrive in the House,” Priyanka Gandhi said. 

She also took a swipe at Union Railway Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw and BJP MP Nishikant Dubey, claiming they “ran away like a bullet train”.

Women MPs gheraoed PM's chair: What happened inside Lok Sabha minutes before speech

Sources said that after the House was adjourned, Congress and other opposition women MPs again moved towards the treasury benches, advancing up to two rows behind the Prime Minister's chair and heading in the direction of BJP MP Nishikant Dubey.

Assam Rifles in Career building role .... launches coaching centres for IAS aspirants

What happens when glass ceilings are shattered? 

*** Let"s move on.

Take this: Any security related organisation has multiple functions to perform. National security is one important facet. It's the mission. But organisations such as The Assam Rifles has things to perform, transform reform. Late it has given upon itself another task -- Career Building for the youths.

This is what Assam Rifles is doing.

Over the last few years - it has been running coaching classes with free lodging and food for NEET and JEE aspirants.

Multiple such centres have been set up in Medziphema and Mokokchung in Nagaland and also a few in Mizoram and also Ukhrul in Manipur. 

Now the para military forces has started something extra ordinary. COACHING CENTRE FOR IAS aspirants in Mizoram.

This is basically an outreach programme being undertaken at the initiative of DG Assam Rifles. 

It's simply a salutary effort and will have both  short term and long term impacts, says retired government servant Pu Lalrinsingliana. "I particularly welcome this move because Mizos have immense talent pool. So far good prospective careers eluded poor and rural people. I hope this initiative of Assam Rifles will have verg good results".

One young graduate Ms Evelin in remote Champhai town says : "I am really excited about the coaching centre for IAS aspirants. Moreover it will be in Mizoram and we do not have to move in hostels in Kolkata or New Delhi to join such coaching centres. It will change the broader youth related scenario in Mizoram".

 

Serving officers say -- we are to do our work. This coaching centre is one such mission where in Assam Rifles will get yet another methodology to live up to its goal as Friends of the Hill People. 

The response is good. The first batch already has 25 students and to start with there are plans to keep the classes in hybrid format. 

As a very old force in north east; The Assam Rifles know the strength of the efficacy of people to people contract.

This coaching centre will be an ideal example of that effort. 

Ends 

Kuki Zo Council opposes formation of BJP led Govt in Manipur

 

In a major development as a consequence of fast moving political developments in Manipur, the Kuki Zo Council has disapproved formation of Y Khemchand ministry in the state.

In a strongly worded statement, the KZC asserted that "any Kuki-Zo MLA who chooses to disregard the collective decision" will be doing so in their individual capacity and KZC shall not be held accountable for the consequences arising from such unilateral decisions.

In its statement, the Kuki Zo Council reiterated its firm and consistent position regarding the formation of the Government of Manipur. 

In the KZC Governing Council Meeting held on 30 December 2025-comprising all constituent tribes, apex bodies, and regional organisations it was unanimously resolved that, in view of the unspeakable atrocities committed against the Kuki-Zo people and the enforced physical separation imposed by the Meiteis, the Kuki-Zo people cannot and shall not participate in the formation of the Government of Manipur.

This collective resolve was further reaffirmed on 13 January 2026 at the joint meeting of the Suspension of Operations (SoO) groups, the Kuki-Zo Council, and Kuki-Zo MLAs-popularly known as the Lungthu Meeting-held in Guwahati. 

The meeting resolved that the Kuki-Zo people shall not participate in the formation of the Manipur government unless the State and Central Governments provide a clear and written assurance committing to the political demand of the Kuki-Zo people.

Till date, KZC stands unwavering in this decision. 

The Kuki-Zo people have been forcibly and physically separated by the Meiteis, and therefore have legitimately demanded a separate administration from the Meitei government in the form of a Union Territory with a legislature.

 Under these circumstances, it is neither logical nor acceptable for the Kuki-Zo people to join a government formed with those from whom we have been violently separated.

The Kuki-Zo Council urged all concerned MLAs to respect the collective will, sentiments, unity and political aspiration of the Kuki-Zo people.

The statement issued by Information & Publicity, Kuki-Zo Council (KZC).

Ends

Heavy rush for BJP ticket aspirants in Assam means Saffron party has come up the ladder: but there may be complexities too

We firmly believe that the way to get ahead was to work as hard as humanly possible. 

But physics teaches us that, for systems susceptible to chaotic forces, this actually makes us more fragile. 

  

The BJP has certainly come up the ladder in north east. In Assam too; it was merely a run of the mill -- average weightage political party. Hence in 2016: it marked a tectonic shift and the party was in power.

In 2026 -- there is a huge rush for ticket aspirants. Dulal Das, a BJP Mandal president in Silchar says: 

"The BJP's growth has been multi pronged and due to multiple factors. Today it has reached such a stage that most ticket aspirants seem to ask for tickets not strictly for 2026 polls. They are making their names enrolled to get presence felt so that they are considered for tickets in 2031, 2036 and even 2041".

Silchar's sitting member Dipayan Chakraborty agrees with the underlining spirit of the statement and says -- "I myself got ticket in 2021 after my previous requests were rejected in three occasions. Rush in for BJP tickets is not a matter of concern. This is not disunity as was generally the case in Congress. For BJP; it only shows talent pool".

About 11 candidates are in the race for BJP tickets for Silchar -- considered a safe BJP seat. 

Dipayan Chakraborty

Similarly there are already 15 ticket seekers in Udarbondh -- another safe saffron party seat.

"Only BJP is relevant in our constituency," says ticket seeker Joy Jyoti De for another prestigious constituency - Udarbond. A practicing lawyer, De has also drawn out plans on how to work flr betterment of his constituency if he makes it as a legislator with Lotus symbol.

"I want to work for boosting tourism in Udarbond as we have the highly sacred Kacha Kanti Mandir," he told a group of party workers. His admirers in the constituency say De is media shy and is. "Workaholic". 

"If party leadership wants a good candidate to repace the present sitting MLA, we should go for Joy babu," says 65--year old retired army personnel Prabal Biswas.

De is a former ABVP product and considers good debating skills as his extra qualification.

Joy Jyoti De : Workaholic ticket seeker in Udarbond

In Silchar seat; Amarendra Pal is a BJP ticket aspirant. He is also a grassroots level worker and associated with the RSS ideology. A lawyer by profession - he thinks if the sitting member needs to be replaced then he (Pal) is the right footsoldier to join the electoral battle.

"The party is always right for us. If I am not considered; world will not change. I WILL continue to work for the BJP perhaps with more passion."

Among issues in Barak Valley; he says illegal infiltration of Bangladeshi Muslims is a matter of deep concern.

"Our Silchar town needs beautification. We have to get flyovers. I was involved in the signature campaign for the same," he said.

Amarendra Pal

Pal is also a man with a good sense of humour.

"My wife Chameli Paul is former vice chairperson of Silchar municipal board. Had she gone for a test; I would be backing her. But she asked me to ask for BJP ticket. There were many supporters who pushed me into it... as agood husband; I am carrying out the popular demand," he remarked sporting an infectious smile.

Sandhya Rani Acharjee is also a ticket seeker for Silchar assembly constituency.

"I am the only woman leader asking for BJP ticket. So I should get it and then we all can work sincerely for Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas," Sandhya Acharjee told this blogger.

Asked why she should get ticket - Mrs Acharjer says - "I have been a proud member of BJP since 2003. My political journey reflects life long commitment to nation building and RSS ideology. I can bring real success in community development of Silchar".

Sandhya Acharjee

The BJP's growth in Barak valley started long back -- much before it had turned a fighting fit in other parts of Assam.

In the Barak valkey; people had given up

the earlier hesitation about politics and firmlh stood by the Hindutva ideology of the RSS and the saffron outfit itself.

Though dominated by Bengalis and had both substantial Hindus and Muslims - the communism culture never made deep penetration here even as bordering Tripura was under Marxists' influence for decades.

Udarbond ticket seeker Joy Jyoti De says -- 

: "In our region, party workers and supporters will stand by BJP ideologies with the spirit of Nation first. We shall continue to make India a bright star in the global politics and economy".

Ends 

Illegal Bangladeshi Muslim infiltration is something more complex ... than we may presume !!

 Assam is the only state placed in a standalone “Special Revision” (SR), designed to cater for its unique NRC-linked demographic verification history.

Unlike SIR states, BLOs here are not collecting the detailed enumeration forms tied to 2003 records. Instead, they are cross-checking existing entries against pre-filled registers while simultaneously rationalising polling stations — reducing the voter count per booth from 1,500 to 1,200, as it is being done in SIR states.

House-to-house verification began on November 23, 2025 and the qualifying date for eligibility was January 1, 2026.

Lumding Rail station in Assam : snap by blogger

Now in the run up to the assembly elections in Asssam; analysts say the SR has already shown its positive impact.

There are three point benefits, they say.

1. The SR has able to identify a large number of alleged Bangladeshi infiltrators. Hence, there is "objection" to these names being included in voters list. In the process, there is a strong sentiment of "discouragement" against getting Bangladeshi infiltrators included in voters' list unlike the Congress era under Late Tarun Gogoi or even Late Hiteshwar Saikia.

2. There is a growing section of "such Bangladeshi Muslim infiltrators" who are slowly realizing the reality and could even prepare fast to go back 'home'. 

3. Thirdly, those who have been "sheltering" infiltrators may now realize that such strategies to change state's demography cannot work anymore. 

 

Bangladeshi infiltration into Assam has multiple facets that deserve close scrutiny. One key methodology has been -- 

the influx of Bangladeshi Muslim women as "house maids" to get employment at much cheaper payments. 

They take assistants from local Masjid Committees or other Muslim informal bodies and rich individuals to gradually get mingled with local population.

That Muslim men are allowed have more than one wife is also often mischievously used to help the illegal infiltrators. 

The simpleton issue of 'insiders/natives and outsiders' is precisely very vast and hotly talked about

issues in Assam and other northeastern states. Some of these issues came up for closer analyses naturally.

But it also ought to be appreciated that in Christian and tribal dominated states such as Nagaland, Meghalaya and 

Mizoram --- all non tribals are 'outsiders'. Muslims in general are called Miyas.

The outsiders in Mizoram are called 'Vai Naupang'; they are 'plain manu' in Nagaland and 'Dhwaker' in

Meghalaya. These definitions do not differentiate between Bangladeshis and 'other Indian citizens' or between

Muslims or Hindus.

In the context of Assam, it is always a case to argue that statistics often conceal more than what they 

reveal. But for people of Assam, these census figures are like hot potatoes!

Assam’s Muslim population has increased in 2011 to 34.22 per cent, a quantum leap of over four per cent from

2001 while the Hindu population has been around 61.46 per cent. Some claims are now being made

that the Muslim population has probably witnessed further north-bound graph between 2011 and 2021.

During the UPA regime, Home Minister P Chidambaram had said that illegal immigration had been 

'one major issue', but that point often gets lost in the din. That’s the paradox of North-east India and precisely

a factor for 'agony' of Assam.

Let us revisit the official data released by the Census authorities. The Muslim population increased between 2001 and 2011 

by 28.8 percentage points in Darrang district, 14.88 points in Kamrup, 13.86 points in Nalbari and 11.37 points in Barpeta. 

Interestingly, in districts bordering Bangladesh, Dhubri saw a rise of 5.67 points and Karimganj 4.08 points. 

So does this imply — as Muslims are growing in numbers in districts away from the international border — 

that there’s a decline in the Bangladeshi influx?

But this could be a fallacy. Sociologists maintain that 'substantial Bangladeshis' have made ways in states like Kerala and various parts of Assam, Maharashtra and West Bengal essentially for employment.

Guest column - Sanjay Das :::: "MGNREGA did not live mainly in files or speeches. It lived in homes"

 What MGNREGA Meant for Rural India

MGNREGA did not live mainly in files or speeches. It lived in homes.

It lived in village kitchens where a few weeks’ wages meant food on the stove. It lived in households where families delayed migration just long enough for a child to finish a school term. It lived in the lives of women who could earn money close to home, whose work was finally recognised by law rather than treated as informal help.

The Act did not promise prosperity. It promised something simpler and more urgent: breathing space. And for the poor, breathing space often means survival. It is the difference between coping and collapse, between staying rooted and being forced to leave, between dignity and despair.

Under MGNREGA, a worker did not beg for employment. She applied for it. She demanded it. She went to the panchayat with her job card and the law on her side. That mattered. It told her that her survival was not a favour—it was a right. It told her, plainly: your life matters enough for the state to respond.

The Moral Vision Behind the Law
MGNREGA began with an uncomfortable but necessary truth: poverty is rarely a personal failure. It is shaped by landlessness, caste and gender exclusion, climate shocks, and an economy that creates wealth for some while leaving others with nothing but uncertain labour. The law refused to pretend otherwise. From this honesty came its moral logic. If the market cannot provide work, the state must step in. If lack of work leads to hunger, the state cannot look away. And if dignity depends on having a livelihood, then livelihood cannot depend on charity—it must be protected as a right.
For nearly two decades, MGNREGA served as a law that held responsibility in place. It was imperfect and often delayed, but its purpose was clear. It told the poorest citizen something the Indian legal system had rarely said before: you are allowed to ask, and the state is required to answer.
The State’s Obligation and Its Withdrawal
When a worker applies for work and is told to come back next month, what she experiences is not a policy debate—it is absence. Democracy is not something she feels in speeches; she feels it in whether the state responds when she needs to survive.

The legitimacy of democratic power rests not only on elections, but on whether the state takes responsibility for those with the least power to protect themselves. A society shows its character not when the economy is growing, but when people are struggling.
MGNREGA recognised this. It treated unemployment as a long-term reality, not a temporary inconvenience. It treated hunger as a public responsibility, not a private shame. By guaranteeing work on demand, it turned concern into duty.
The repeal of MGNREGA and its replacement with a discretionary, capped, centrally controlled framework breaks that duty. What has been withdrawn is not just a programme, but a promise.

There was a time when the state said: if there is no work, we will provide it. A time when it said: hunger is not your fault. A time when it said: dignity does not require permission.

Today, the message is different. Workers are asked to wait. They are told funds have run out. They are expected to adjust, migrate, and endure. And often, the state says nothing at all.
This is not a technical delay. It is the state stepping away from its responsibility. It is not governance under pressure. It is abandonment.

Twenty years ago, India passed a law that did something rare and necessary: it spoke honestly about poverty. It did not describe it as bad luck, laziness, or something people should quietly endure. The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) recognised poverty for what it often is—the result of not having work, land, or security in an unequal economy.

MGNREGA was not just another welfare programme. It was a promise by the state that survival would not be left to charity or silence—that if people were willing to work, the state would not turn away.

As someone who has watched this law shape everyday life across rural India—and in Meghalaya in particular—I mark its twentieth anniversary with pride in what it achieved, grief at what has been taken away, and deep concern about what its dismantling tells us about how power is exercised today. A law that once guaranteed the right to work has now been repealed by the BJP-led Union Government and replaced with a framework that removes that legal guarantee.

This is not a routine policy change. It is not a technical adjustment. It is not reform in any meaningful sense. It is a moral decision. At its heart, this is not a debate about budgets or efficiency. It is about right and wrong

.The writer is General Secretary, Meghalaya Pradesh Congress Committee)