Monday, September 14, 2026

BJP contests elections, RSS builds cadres : Why then Mohan Bhagwat met veteran Naga S C Jamir ?


Mohan Bhagwat became RSS chief in 2009. Since then, the political landscape around the Sanghparivar and the Hindtutva forces has changed dramatically.   


The Hindutva agenda has moved from aspiration to political reality: the Ram temple in Ayodhya, abrogation of Article 370 and adoption of Uniform Civil Code legislation in some states.


Uttarakhand became the first state to pass a UCC law. In 2026, Assam became the first north-eastern state to pass the UCC Bill.  Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh have it.   


The BJP is in commanding position electorally in states where it had no base. There is, however, another side. Without Narendra Modi as PM — it would have been difficult for the wider Hindutva movement and Bhagwat-led RSS to see some of these objectives translated into policy.  







Now came - Mohan Bhagwat's meeting with Naga veteran S C Jamir. The date Sept 10, 2026 -- just at the end of Bhagwat's three-nation tour.


One of them 95-year-old and no longer the old ambitious politician. But the former Nagaland CM remains a politician by instinct and wisdom. 



His favourite pastime is still -- Politics. "I will go anywhere and meet BJP, RSS or communists to help resolve our (Naga) problem".



Mohan Bhagwat is now 76 but he also wants to take the RSS into a new dimension.

Jamir told media in Dimapur :

 “Today, the BJP government moves because of RSS. Even though we are shouting they (NDA Govt) are not listening. So I said, why not you (Mohan Bhagwat) also shout so that they can also listen?".



Sept 10, 2026 - Should go down a memorable day



His objective is clear.  "We have to explore all possible means to ensure that settlement comes as soon as possible". 


"... there are '37 Nagaland' today. And is it a reality or a joke? Yes, it is a tamasha," -- 'mockery or street-side drama' ... - he was more than candid about factionalism.  


Reportedly, Jamir told Bhagwat - he (former CM) is a man "with pain' in heart.  


"Nagaland has become victim of and also dependent on the Soap-opera dynamics of Tribalism, Factionalism and Materialism," Jamir told me in June. 

Every corner of Naga society discussed  the Jamir-Bhagwat meeting on Sept 10 evening and also the next day. The Neiphiu Rio camp had its reasons to be worried and made a few frantic calls. 


"Ki hoi-asey ho" ? 

Deputy chief minister Y Patton was also busy that day in Delhi.



How time flies; -- Late Vamuzo had attended BJP's national executive meeting in Mumbai in 1996 but he was shy about the same. 


All these are not simple electoral calculation. The challenge is reputational. The RSS has its problems. In Nagaland, the 'reputation' has been badly hit long back when the NPF was made into a 'new version of the NDPP' -- anyone can join and even become NPF boss. 


The Cock is hardly a symbol of Naga regionalism today.

It means 'power' -- Bolero and Fortuner. It is a party of 'party hoppers'. Those who may not get NPF ticket - like last time - may contest on RPI, NPP or LJP tickets. Some can inform the NPF leaders well in advance.


The symbol 'Cock' somehow has 'earned' the negative connotation associated with the Lotus or Hand symbols of the past. 

-- Hunger and Greed. 

Jamir spoke about the fact that decades of negotiations and ceasefire have seen the movement splinter from the Naga National Council (NNC) into 36 or 37 groups.


The same “tamasha” is in electoral politics also. Even NPF as the longtime custodian of 'fighting cocks' - as Vamuzo used to say -- today has most former Congressman there. 


The bigger error amid comedy is the 'party-less' Govt - initially meant to bring in the Solution Agreement. 


No opposition means no criticism .. and no criticism means the state is in the hand of  a "perfect administration and leadership".


The sense of humour is also a vanishing art.








S C Jamir did a good thing to remember. Even BJP was trapped in 1998. 


Real 'exploitation' of common man's mindset started then,   


Jamir recalled resisting the NSCN (IM)’s call to boycott the Assembly polls of 1998. This he said -- was honouring his constitutional allegiance to India and oath to his God. 


Jamir appealed to legislators not to betray their constitutional oaths by yielding to extra-constitutional pressures.


Not many leaders are left who will make such appeal.  




Blogger 



But Jamir has a reputational issue too. Will Solution to the Naga problem come in his lifetime ? 


He tried along with his senior colleagues and mentors in the 1950s and the 1960s. 


He enjoyed power as the chief minister. He created youngsters. He took bullets on his body. 


From Neiphiu Rio to K Therie and the likes of Chingwang Konyak, K L Chishi and Chongshen and Yokten Konyak - all have worked under him.

 

But the Naga problem is not resolved.


Can the RSS chief now help deliver an early Solution? 


In my interaction with the Late La Ganesan, only Governor from purely RSS background, my argument was - 

"If Modi Govt can resolve Naga problem; Nagas for generations will remember BJP and the RSS also. Moreover Sir; you are the Governor in office. The RSS-Naga relationship then will be of immense trust".


The same logic should apply today also even as La Ganesan has breathed his last.


There is a specialty about Bhagwat's leadership of the RSS. Bhagwat’s contribution has been to preside over an RSS that has expanded its political relevance. 

BJP has benefitted no doubt. 

But it has not become a political party by itself. 


It's simple. The BJP contests elections. The RSS builds cadres, social networks and ideological influence.


Jamir contended that the situation had rendered the state government “helpless.” 


Underground groups were allegedly issuing directives, summoning people, holding courts and interfering in economic activities. “When there is extortion, they are helpless."


When notice is given even to close shops, the government cannot do anything. When there is taxation according to percentages, they are collecting. Then where is the governance then?” 


“People’s hope against hope in the Government of India is waning..".

This statement is pretty serious and the RSS leaders were alarmed by it.


Shunting out R N Ravi was once an achievement for local leaders - covert and overt; today that should reflect like a shame.

 






ends 


Ex Mumbai Police chief Param Bir Singh and his ‘tryst with controversies’ ::: Don-Cop nexus also nothing 'unusual' about Mumbai

 Ex Mumbai Police chief Param Bir Singh - his ‘tryst with controversies’


At times controversies come chasing you as a leopard whose stripes remain unchanged. Strangeness is an elementary feature.

CBI has now named him in the case related to the controversial death of Disha Salian.  


Singh was in news in 2020 after the "relentless media investigations" and journalistic-trial with regard to the mysterious death of young Bollywood actor Sushant Singh Rajput.





Mumbai's encounter specialist Daya Nayak - 2003 snap  



In 2025 (July 29th) controversial Daya Nayak was promoted as ACP. 

Three others - Pandurang Pawar,  Deepak Dalvi and Jivan Kharat were also promoted. 









The city police commissioner had come at the receiving end of a political attack after the Supreme Court handed over the high profile probe into Sushant’s death – given out as suicide – to the CBI.


In the past too, Singh, 1988 batch IPS officer, had courted controversies.


Sadhvi Pragya, who was jailed for Malegaon blast, had named Param Bir Singh along with Hemant Karkare (who died in Pakistani terrorist siege on Nov 26/2008) and Suvarna Shinde for torturing and manhandling her to extract some ‘false confession’.  


However, in a dramatic turn of events on March 17, 2015, when BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis was the state Chief Minister -- the state Govt had promoted Singh as Thane police commissioner reportedly “ignoring” the seniority of three others.

 

When Uddhav Thackeray – heading Shiv Sena-NCP-Congress alliance regime made Singh the police commissioner of Mumbai, the talk in the town was that the foundation for the same was laid by Fadnavis himself. 


After all it is said that the police commissioner in the satellite city of Thane is only a stepping stone to head the cops in the country's commercial and entertainment capital – Mumbai Mayanagari.


Singh also had other controversies. As chief of Anti Corruption Bureau (ACB), he had given a clean chit to the incumbent Deputy Chief  Minister Ajit Pawar in the much talked about irrigation scam.






Param Bir Singh 





On to a different plane, but important facet of policing in India.


A few years back when history-sheeter Vikas Dubey of Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, was finally held in Ujjain in Madhya Pradesh and killed near Kanpur in a police encounter; many things related to cop-criminal relationships surfaced.


But the neta-criminals' nexus is nothing new in Indian socio-political canvas.


More than a decade back in Mumbai, encounter specialist Daya Nayak case had thrown lights on the cops-don nexus. The episode put the Mumbai's elite crime branch in poor light.


In fact, Daya 'enjoyed celebrity status' and there have been many films including legendary Nana Patekar-starred ‘Ab Tak Chhappan’ based on life and police career of Daya Nayak. 


Mumbai's encounter specialist (Daya) first made news in 2003 when a former journalist Ketan Tirodkar accused Daya of having links with the underworld and carrying out ‘killing spree’ at the directives of dons. 


Daya was alleged of amassing wealth disproportionate to his income. 

Nayak was investigated by the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA). In 2006, Nayak was arrested during an investigation led by the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) ACP Bhim Rao Ghadge. 


However, it was alleged that Daya was framed and in 2010 a Court quashed all the MCOCA charges against him. 


Together with the Telgi stam paper scam which also threw shady lights on police role in Maharashtra, there came a serious allegation that Daya Nayak was minting money for taking instructions from gangster Chhota Shakeel. 


Yet again, the date December 1, 2003 had turned an important day for Mumbai police. The then city commissioner of police R S Sharma - a day after his retirement - otherwise would have been relaxing with family members and friends.







But that was not the fate stored for him. On the first day after he took out his police boots, he was taken into custody.


Sharma's arrest was in connection with the Telgi stamp paper scam and prior to him Joint Commissioner of Police Shridhar Wagal was also held under MCOCA for aiding and abetting Abdul Karim Telgi in the running of his infamous syndicate.


There were other instances in Mumbai. There was a fiasco with regard to the Mohd Afroz case when police applied POTA – apparently in haste and later withdrew the day the Vajpayee government debated the new anti-terrorism law in a joint sitting of Parliament.


Political influence had bothered professionals in the police force. 


At one point, a former Mumbai police commissioner Rony Mendonca wrote a lengthy letter after his retirement to the Deputy Chief Minister Chhagan Bhujbal.


"...when you found I was not willing to comply with your (Bhujbal's) wishes you resorted to posting officers directly. I was left with no choice but to voluntarily seek a shift from the post of commissioner of police," Mendonca had written.

Of course there were scores of such cases in Gujarat specially during 2002 anti-Muslim mayhem when the cops in general sense were  allegedly standing in solidarity with the 'majority community'.


In 1998-99, the National Commission for Minorities made news in embarrassing the BJP-led Vajpayee government, particularly in the context of attacks on Christians and the panel had said that in many cases in different states, the police seemed to look the other way.


In the Gujarat context, a serving senior police official in Uttar Pradesh in May 2002 (during the peak of mayhem) - Vibhuti Narayan Rai - had written a letter to several police officials lamenting point blank: 


".... not only was the police unsuccessful in containing the violence ….. but it seemed that in many places policemen were actively encouraging the rioters".



Mumbai riots of 1992 




In general sense, experts say Indian policing system needs reforms - something which has been pending for the last many decades.


In fact, it goes without saying that the police always appear to be in an adversarial relationship with the common citizens. This was a true pan-India scenario cutting across all regions and state boundaries.


The public perception of a policeman or even a policewoman is that of an intimidating, highhanded personality who puts people in illegal custody and resorts to third-degree methods.


Vibhuti Narayan Rai had written that the police failure and inaction (including in Gujarat) ought to be seen primarily "as a failure of the (police) leadership" itself.


"The failure of the police should not be attributed to lower ranks but must be seen as a failure of the leadership, that is the failure of the IPS (cadres)," Rai had said in his missive.


With regard to policing history in India, in most cases, it has been found that either the state DGP would be a dedicated 'Man Friday' to the state Chief Minister(s) or they would have had 'regular' running feuds.


In the words of Mumbai-based lawyer and NCP leader, Majeed Memon, constitutionally a state DGP is accountable to -- "law and law only" and not to any Chief Minister or Deputy Chief Minister.


But this fact of the law book has seldom made a difference in independent India and wherever and whenever a few individuals were at loggerheads with political bosses and civil bureaucracy, they have been unceremoniously replaced.


Several committees and experts have recommended a fixed tenure for state DGPs so that they need not fear 'transfer' at the whims and fancies of the political masters.


Justice B.N. Srikrishna Commission on the Mumbai riots of 1992-1993 had spoken rather explicitly about strong communal feelings of the men in khaki.


"The working of the Special Investigation Squad is a study in communal discrimination. The officers of the squad  systematically set about implicating as many Muslims and exculpating as many Hindus as possible irrespective of whether they were innocent or guilty. 


Cases of many Hindus belonging to the Shiv Sena, Rashtriya Utsav Mandal (a local branch of Hindutva outfit) were wrongly classified as 'A' category and investigations closed," said the report.


No wonder, various police services in the country are generally viewed as far more amenable to political control and manipulation.




Justice B N Srikrishna 



It is worth mentioning here that M.N. Venkatachaliah, former Chief Justice of India and former Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission, had in one of his reports pointed out that nearly 

--  60 percent of all arrests in India made by police were unnecessary and unjustifiable.


However, it may not be fair to say that the police force or the entire system has failed.


Former Mumbai police commissioner Mendonca had summed it up well in an interview with this scribe way back in 2004 that : 


".....the irony remains that police also do good work. But despite having done a good job and often bringing crime rate down like in Mumbai, fighting underworld dons and averting threat perceptions for film stars, the Mumbai cops have only earned flak".


This is precisely the story in most states if not all ! 

Policing is certainly one of well known thankless jobs!


Well, most of it is though not the making of cops in middle ranks. 


It has been rather the complicity of cops' leadership - the elite IPS cadres - and political influences that has ultimately brought their image to such a receiving end.


Of course, Param Bir Singh was once hailed for taking on Don Arun Gawli. 


But it was alleged in 2008-09 by the then Mumbai police commissioner, Hasan Gafoor, that during the November 26, 2008 (26/11) siege of Mumbai,  that Param Bir Singh – as the IGP - was found guilty of dereliction of duties.


In fact, Singh’s father Hoshiyar Singh was furious about such a charge against his son and had moved court against Gafoor in Chandigarh.


Nevertheless, a probe panel constituted by the Congress-NCP regime had found fault with Gafoor and passed stricture against him for the 26/11 fiasco.

    

Perhaps the row against Param Bir Singh will take some more weeks and months to settle down. 





Nana Patekar in film based on Daya Nayak's career and life 





Ends


“Kya Kashmiri Pandit ko apne ghar jaane ka mauka milega?” ::: Why and How ?? '-- The Kashmir Files' became uncomfortable for many ???

 The Kashmir Files and the uncomfortable question


'The Kashmir Files' in 2022, written and directed by Vivek Agnihotri. The film presented a fictionalised narrative centred on the persecution and displacement of Kashmiri Pandits. It brought the subject of the community’s suffering and displacement into the centre of mainstream political and cultural debate.


One question emerging from the film’s narrative was particularly uncomfortable:


“Kya Kashmiri Pandit ko apne ghar jaane ka mauka milega?”


Will the Kashmiri Pandit ever get an opportunity to return home?







And, more fundamentally, what does justice mean for a community that was displaced from its homeland? For decades, these questions received comparatively limited space in mainstream popular culture.


The emergence of films dealing explicitly with the subject therefore represented a shift in India’s cinematic discourse.


Shah Rukh Khan’s son and the politics of celebrity


Bollywood’s relationship with politics and public morality has also been tested by controversies involving its own stars. When Aryan Khan, son of actor Shah Rukh Khan, was arrested in connection with a 2021 drugs case, sections of public debate quickly moved beyond the legal proceedings.


Supporters argued that the case was being used to target the actor and his family, while others insisted that the legal process should be allowed to take its course. The episode demonstrated another feature of contemporary India: the intersection of celebrity, politics, identity and social media can transform a criminal investigation into a national political argument almost overnight.


The controversy eventually became part of a much larger debate about selective outrage, privilege, law enforcement and the politics of celebrity.


Nepotism and the Sushant Singh Rajput debate






The death of actor Sushant Singh Rajput in 2020 opened another Pandora’s box. 


The ensuing debate over nepotism, the influence of film families and the opportunities available to outsiders became one of the most intense cultural controversies in contemporary Bollywood.


The issue was not simply whether star children should be allowed to enter the industry. It was about whether an industry that claims to celebrate talent provides equal opportunities to those without influential family connections.


Bollywood would perhaps prefer to forget much of the controversy. But the debate fundamentally altered the way many Indians viewed the industry’s internal structures.  






Pakistan on the Hindi screen


The portrayal of Pakistan is another fascinating chapter.Politics


One analysis cited in discussions of  Bollywood representation noted that Pakistan featured in 20 films examined, with 18 portraying Pakistanis as welcoming, courteous, open-minded or courageous — a depiction that could differ sharply from the  political and security realities between the two countries.


Again, fiction is not journalism.


A filmmaker is not obliged to reproduce geopolitical reality exactly. But the cinematic representation of India’s neighbour has often reflected the  politics of the particular period in which a film was produced.


There was also a period when Pakistani artists could work in India with relatively few barriers.


Zeba Bakhtiar appeared in Heena. 

Pakistani singer Meesha Shafi worked in Bhaag Milkha Bhaag. 


Pakistani actor and cricketer Mohsin Khan also appeared in Indian cinema and married actress Reena Roy. 


Saba Qamar appeared in the critically acclaimed Hindi Medium.


Naseeruddin Shah, meanwhile, acted in the Pakistani film Khuda Ke Liye in 2007, alongside prominent Pakistani performers including Fawad Khan, Shaan and Iman Ali.






Om Puri also worked in Pakistani cinema.


Shilpa Shukla, before becoming widely recognised as Bindiya in Chak De! India, appeared in the Pakistani film Khamosh Pani.


Cinema crossed borders even when politics could not.


The politics of nationalism changes Bollywood :: The political climate has changed considerably in recent years.


Today, one of the principal criticisms directed at sections of Hindi cinema is that they are undergoing “saffronisation”.


Yet the history is more complicated.


The patriotic cinema of Manoj Kumar was hardly new. Films built around nationalism, sacrifice and the idea of Bharat have existed for decades.


What has changed is the political environment surrounding such films.


Under Narendra Modi, patriotism has acquired renewed cultural visibility.






Films such as 'Uri: The Surgical Strike' became major commercial successes, while more recent productions such as the 

Dhurandhar films have openly addressed Pakistan’s intelligence establishment and themes of national security.


Whether one likes this genre or not, it represents a significant change from the dominant cinematic narratives of earlier decades.  


Nearly 80 years after Independence, it is worth asking a rather uncomfortable question: How has Hindi cinema portrayed India’s  religious communities, castes, politicians and social institutions over the decades?


It is a long period in the life of a country. It is equally a long period for an industry that has grown into one of India’s biggest cultural and economic enterprises.


The journey takes us back to Dhundiraj Govind Phalke, popularly known as Dadasaheb Phalke, whose films based on Hindu religious figures helped lay the foundations of Indian cinema.


Phalke’s Raja Harishchandra and Lanka Dahan became major successes. 


Moving images of Hindu gods and mythological characters on the screen, battling evil and delivering moral messages, immediately struck a chord with audiences.


Yet cinema evolved.


There came the era of Raj Kapoor, Guru Dutt, Bimal Roy, Hrishikesh Mukherjee, Satyajit Ray and many others. 


Hindi cinema gradually moved beyond mythology to explore the aspirations, frustrations and contradictions of middle-class India.


But alongside this evolution came another phenomenon: the portrayal of India’s religions, castes and communities through recurring stereotypes.


What did an IIM Rohtak study find?


A study attributed to IIM Rohtak Director Dheeraj Sharma, examining Bollywood films made between 1960 and 2010, has been cited for its findings on how different communities were represented on screen,


Among the reported findings were:


58% of corrupt politicians had Brahmin surnames.


62% of corrupt businessmen had Vaishya surnames.


88% of Sikh characters were portrayed as laughable.


74% of Muslim characters were portrayed as strongly religious and honest.


78% of promiscuous female characters had Christian names.


The figures, if cited, need to be understood as an analysis of film characters and cinematic representation, not as a description of the real-world behaviour of any religious or caste group.


But the broader question remains relevant: Why did particular stereotypes become so familiar to generations of Indian film audiences?


And why was the Hindu character so often represented as a corrupt politician, a dubious businessman, a criminal in saffron robes or an orthodox priest, while characters belonging to minority communities were frequently given more sympathetic roles?Action & Adventure Films


The Muslim character as the good Samaritan


Hindi cinema developed a particularly recognisable template.


The Muslim character was often the generous neighbour, loyal friend, sympathetic police officer, honest tailor, benevolent old man or self-sacrificing figure who came to the aid of the protagonist.



Sanjeev Kumar and Jaya Bahaduri : 'Sholay' 




In Sholay, for instance, the village imam is portrayed as a deeply emotional and morally serious character willing to make a tremendous personal sacrifice.


Similarly, the number 786 acquired a distinctive cinematic symbolism.


In Deewaar, Amitabh Bachchan’s character questions God and rejects conventional religious belief. Yet, in one of the film’s memorable coincidences, the number 786 on a bullet box helps save his life.






Cinema was, of course, using symbolism.


But symbolism repeated over decades can eventually become a cultural vocabulary. 


And where was the Hindu character?


The contrasting stereotype was sometimes equally predictable. A Hindu holy man, temple priest or saffron-clad character could be presented as corrupt or complicit with criminals.


The question is not whether filmmakers had the right to create such characters. They certainly did.  The question is whether the frequency and consistency of such portrayals created an imbalance in the cinematic representation of Indian society.


Cinema has enormous cultural power. Millions of Indians encountered their first images of different communities not through direct social interaction but through films.


That makes representation important.


Sikh characters and the comedy stereotype ::::: Sikh characters also suffered from a familiar cinematic treatment. 


The turban and beard became visual shorthand for comic relief. “Sardarji” jokes became part of popular culture, and Sikh characters were often presented as lovable but foolish or comical figures.


There were exceptions, of course.


But stereotypes can survive precisely because they are repeated so frequently that audiences stop noticing them.


The same applies to caste representation.


If a particular caste is repeatedly associated with corruption while another community is disproportionately associated with virtue, cinema is not merely entertaining audiences. It is also constructing a social imagination.   







From Hrishikesh Mukherjee to Satyajit Ray


There was, meanwhile, another side to Indian cinema that should not be forgotten.


Hrishikesh Mukherjee provided a window into the Indian middle class. His films captured ordinary people’s frustrations, family relationships, humour and aspirations without requiring grand  political messaging.


In 'Kissi Se Na Kehna', for example, everyday social situations become the source of humour.


The period also reflected the language of an India negotiating modernity, tradition and changing social norms.


Comedian Keshto Mukherjee’s famous observation — 

“Yeh milavat aur banavat ka hi zamana hai” — captured a society increasingly conscious of pretence and appearances.


Then came films such as Shakti Samanta’s An Evening in Paris, which reflected another transformation in Hindi cinema: glamour, modernity, international locations and changing representations of women.


Raj Kapoor, the USSR and India’s cultural diplomacy 


Raj Kapoor became an icon not only in India but also across the former Soviet Union.


His films travelled well beyond India’s borders.  Yet in the international cultural hierarchy of the time, Satyajit Ray occupied a different position.


'India Today' wrote in 2000 that Satyajit Ray had become a national icon who was showcased to the world “in a way that no Indian art personality ever had been.”






Ray’s films received serious international critical attention, including substantial reviews in publications such as The Times.


Indira Gandhi was also known to organise private screenings of Ray’s films for foreign dignitaries. This was cinema functioning not merely as entertainment but as India’s cultural diplomacy.


From Phalke to the present


The journey from Dadasaheb Phalke to contemporary Bollywood is therefore not a simple story of progress or decline.South Asians & Diaspora


It is a story of changing India.


Phalke used  religious mythology to establish a new visual language.


Raj Kapoor carried Indian cinema across borders.


Hrishikesh Mukherjee captured the middle-class imagination.


Satyajit Ray transformed India’s standing in global cinema.


Manoj Kumar turned patriotism into a cinematic vocabulary.


Amitabh Bachchan’s “angry young man” represented the frustrations of another India.  And today’s filmmakers are increasingly confronting terrorism, nationalism, Kashmir, Pakistan, identity politics and ideological conflict.


The charge of “saffronisation” will continue.


So will the counterargument that earlier Bollywood was itself shaped by ideological preferences, including particular approaches to secularism, minority representation and caste. 


Perhaps the more useful question is not whether Bollywood was ever completely neutral.  It was not.


Cinema has always reflected the politics, 

anxieties and 

aspirations of its time. 



The real question is whether today’s Indian film industry can create a more balanced representation of the extraordinary complexity of Indian society — where a Muslim character need not always be the noble friend, a Sikh need not always be comic relief, a Christian need not automatically be the benevolent saviour, and a Hindu need not routinely be the corrupt priest or politician.


India is too complicated for such stereotypes.


And perhaps Indian cinema, after more than a century, is finally beginning to understand that.



One and only Satyajit Ray 



ends 

Aaditya Thackeray, Rhea Chakraborty named in CBI FIR in Disha Salian death case ::::: ".. criminal conspiracy, propagation of false suicide story"


The CBI has named Aaditya Thackeray, Rhea Chakraborty, Dino Morea and Sooraj Pancholi among those whose roles require investigation in Disha Salian's death case. The FIR also names Uddhav Thackeray, Showik Chakraborty, Sachin Waze, ex-Mumbai police commissioner Param Bir Singh and others, following the Bombay High Court's direction for a thorough probe.   









The CBI has named Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aaditya Thackeray and his father, former Maharashtra Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray, among the people whose roles require investigation in connection with the death of Disha Salian, according to the FIR registered following a Bombay High Court direction for a thorough probe into the circumstances surrounding her death.


The FIR also names actors Dino Morea and Sooraj Pancholi, along with Rhea Chakraborty and her brother Showik Chakraborty, among those whose roles require investigation in connection with the commission of the principal offences, criminal conspiracy, the subsequent creation and propagation of the false suicide story, and the suppression, destruction and/or fabrication of evidence.  



According to the FIR, the list also includes 

Aaditya Thackeray's bodyguards, former Mumbai cops Sachin Waze 

and 

former police commissioner Param Bir Singh, 


DCP Vishal Thakur, 

the then Maharashtra Home Minister Anil Deshmukh, and several other serving or former police personnel.


The CBI FIR further names officers associated with Malvani Police Station, doctors and staff linked to the delayed post-mortem, and officers of the Forensic Science Laboratory in Kalina, including Assistant Chemical Analyser NP Bhale.     



DISHA SALIAN'S FATHER NAMES PEOPLE FOR PROBE



Following the court's direction, Salian’s father, Satish Salian, said he had shared details of the circumstances surrounding his daughter’s death with investigating authorities and expressed confidence that the probe would begin soon.


Satish said he had provided investigators with the names of several people whom he wanted authorities to examine.


“I stated the facts exactly as they were; I told them everything that happened to my daughter. 

I listed all the names: Aditya, Sooraj Pancholi, 

Dino Morea, and the bodyguards. They noted everything down,” he told a news agency. 


The CBI's decision to register an FIR comes after the Bombay High Court directed the agency to investigate the case. During an earlier hearing, a Division Bench of Justices Bharti Dangre and Manjusha Deshpande raised questions over the fact that only an ADR had been registered despite claims by Salian’s family that she had been murdered.


The court also noted that Salian’s family had not been provided copies of her post-mortem report and the ADR even five years after her death.



The FIR also names security guards of Regent Galaxy Building, including Sushil Kumar Yadav and Shivmurad Gautam alias Munna, as well as several other individuals. 


It additionally refers to senior members of the SIT and other senior police officers under whose supervision the earlier investigation or inquiry was conducted.


The FIR lists several other individuals and unidentified persons whose roles, it says, require investigation in connection with the alleged offences and the subsequent alleged cover-up.




BJP contests elections, RSS builds cadres : Why then Mohan Bhagwat met veteran Naga S C Jamir ?

Mohan Bhagwat became RSS chief in 2009. Since then, the political landscape around the Sanghparivar and the Hindtutva forces has changed dra...