West Bengal and North East :::: Why Nagas should be excited about new "Plain manu" Govt in West Bengal

Can Bengal Renaissance help North East of India ?

A new government was sworn in Kolkata. It's a BJP government for the first time in the state. There may be whispering in Nagaland, Meghalaya and Mizoram; how a pro-Hindutva government has strengthened its grip in a state which is get way for Nagaland and other states in the region.

 

The fact of the matter is not many people would be feeling excited about it; forget being optimistic that a well performing BJP Govt in Kolkata can actually result in a series of dividends for the north east.

The Marxists ran a different apparatus for 34 years. In Delhi, the Congress was too busy with its brand of politics. And that always meant politics of Give and Take. That encouraged corruption to the level that for helpless tribals - this greed-related menace is the way of life. 

“New Delhi till thinks like Aurangzeb’s Delhi,” former Nagaland chief secretary A M Gokhae had said in the 1990s when the Congress and UF governments were in power.

Brighter Kashmir - link 

One may sound typically anti-Congress; but it's development journey was always different. The contractors in Kolkata and Delhi were more important stakeholders than anyone seriously engaged in nation building and social reforms. 

From a primordial economy, the north east region is today a 'westernised' world and use of English is abundant in Nagaland and Meghalaya. A visitor can easily get confused with his or her knowledge on the conventional tribal life and economy of the indigenous people. Northeast India is also an urbane society. In all these, keeping the right balance is a hugely challenging task.

In most cases, the media has struggled though it goes without stating that 'mere survival' in journalism is near impossible and often fatal. In the nineties, the journalists on receipt of 'Threat Missives' in Nagaland used to describe them as 'Love Letters'.  However, there is a general refrain that the media should have done more.

This was obvious because Congress did not do its part, Building up emotional bond between Nagas and non Nagas or Mizos and Vai Naupangs (outsiders) were never its priority. It encouraged tribalism and other parochial angles. 

In Meghalaya, one politician responsible for outsiders-bashing polity in the 1990s was rewarded big time by the Rao government. 

There is still an inherent fear of the 'outsiders'. Media in the northeast in general did not do much to change this mindset. Therefore, a traditional mindset of 'reactionary' resistance to all things that is 'not local' persisted.

To run industry and get your infra projects or to attract investment, you need the so-called 'outsiders'. 

The Congress party did not bother about "genuine development". And in socio-political contexts, say the mayhem in Manipur; while the BJP did its mistakes, it is also a fact that  today's problems are due to Congress folly. 

The fact of the matter is people turned parochial and they have lived through that and now they cannot come out of it. 

What happened in Manipur is not just the happenings of 2023. Things started long back. Nagaland is not realising where it has walked into.

The creation of FNT is an indication of collapse of mutual faith among Nagas. No pro-Hindu BJP or New Delhi's special agents were responsible for this.

 

It may be time now to learn something from West Bengal experience.

Under TMC, the violence and syndicate raj became order of the day. Nagaland is confronted with their own version of the same syndicate raj. In Bengal; one quote made significant headway. --- 

"Marchhe Musalman, Morchhe Musalman (Perpetrators of violence are mostly Muslims and the victims too).

Closer scrutiny will convince you -- what is happening in Manipur. Tribals are killing tribals.

Naga woman, Olina Ningshen, held captive by KNA(B) faction was rescued by Assam Rifles

Where is so-called tribal brotherhood ? Is it only for chasing out non-tribals.

Hindu Bengalis, Biharis, Gorkhas and even Marwaris have left north east in large numbers. Some of us still love the region bit never think of settling down. Why?

Today's generation is caught in a cobweb.

Parochialism has survived. 

Mufti Mohammed Syed as Union Home Minister under V P Singh had called an apex pressure group in Nagaland, the Naga Students' Federation (NSF) a 'parochial body'. No local or regional media tried to probe into the intricacies involved. The Khasi Students' Union of Meghalaya at times came under scrutiny of the fourth estate.

The state of Meghalaya once saw the slogan -- 'Khasi by birth and Indian by accident'. Senior journalist Patricia Mukhim wrote in 'The Hindu' later -- "The culprits were never caught and no one has been indicted in any of the acts of communal carnage that happened in Meghalaya".

Nagaland's only Christian Governor M M Thomas (from Kerala) had said: " You don't give a second thought to writing against the state (government) fully aware that the state will not retaliate to the extent these anti-national elements would" - as reported in 'Weekly Journal', Kohima - Feb 27, 1991.

There is another angle. In most cases of alleged human right excesses committed by forces, the army and para military forces get the blame. Media will not hesitate to expose such incidents. But political leadership is seldom criticised. Mizoram capital Aizawl was bombed but Indira Gandhi or the Congress party was hardly held accountable.

In 1991-92, in Assam, there was a change in the functioning of the army. While 'Operation Rhino' was launched against ULFA; the forces understood that counter-insurgency operations were as much a 'war of information' as it was fighting with bullets. But around the same time Guwahati had a news outlet which had adopted an outright 'pro ULFA' stance. 

In Nagaland yet again, once upon a time, a statement from one potent group even had questioned a sitting Chief Minister's lineage. There was no screening, no editing, but many say journalists have a few options. 

BJP can bring transformation

And there is no better way to do it than start with a development-focused regime in Kolkata. Everything is not about Hindutva or opposing it.

Time to change course. 

West Bengal's real 'poriborton' can have magical influence in north east provided industries start operating in that state and IT companies set up unit in Kolkata.

Even otherwise last decade in Kolkata has opened avenues for many north east young talent in sectors such as health and tourism.

If Bengal benefits; the rest of eastern and northeastern India will also join the bandwagon provided people know how to react positively. 

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'New MGR' ::::: TVK chief Joseph Vijay sworn in as Tamil Nadu Chief Minister

 TVK chief Joseph Vijay sworn in as Tamil Nadu Chief Minister

Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar also administered the oath of office to the new Cabinet of Vijay that includes ministers: 'Bussy' N Anand, Aadhav Arjuna, K A Sengottaiyan and others.  

Vijay's rise to the top post marks far more than a film star's political success in a cinema-driven state. It caps one of the most dramatic political ascents Tamil Nadu has witnessed in decades. 

Vijay, once known for his punch dialogues on screen, took oath as Tamil Nadu's first non-Dravidian Chief Minister in nearly six decades.

BJP's day in metropolis where beef eating became a fashion statement ::::: Govt to declare June 20, 1947 officially as Bengal's Foundation Day: Suvendu :::: In both West Bengal and Assam, 2026 campaign spotlight focused on border security and “illegal migration”

The West Bengal government to declare June 20, 1947 officially as Bengal's Foundation Day: Suvendu

He reopened one of the most emotive political and ideological debates surrounding the identity of Bengal within hours of taking oath as the chief minister  

May 9th, 2026 was Saffron Kolkata: 

BJP's day in the metropolis where beef eating became a fashion statement ... the 'city' - Not of Joy that had shunned it for decades

BJP supporters dressed as Lord Ram and Goddess Sita  (snap - The Telegraph) 

Visiting the house of Syama Prasad Mookerjee shortly after the swearing-in ceremony, new West Bengal Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari credited the Bharatiya Jana Sangh founder with ensuring that a Hindu-majority part of undivided Bengal remained within India during the Partition and asserted that Bengal’s political history “cannot be altered”.

“The ideology on which the rise and eventual victory of the BJP is based is that of Syama Prasad Mookerjee. Had it not been for Syama Prasad Mookerjee, our condition would have been the same as that of minority Hindus in Bangladesh,” Adhikari said.

Long before the ceremony began, streams of supporters dressed in saffron poured into the Maidan carrying flags, blowing conch shells and chanting slogans. Amid the political excitement, the ground also saw men clad in Bengali-style dhuti-panjabi. There were visitors from Jharkhand, Odishaand even abroad including Canada.  

Baul singers dressed in bright saffron robes performed folk songs on stage with traditional instruments. 

With voter turnout nearly touching 93 percent, the results reflect deep public disillusionment with years of corruption, syndicate-driven extortion, governance breakdown, and perceived minority appeasement under the previous regime. 

West Bengal, after all, is far more than just another Indian state. It functions as the living cultural, linguistic, and demographic mirror to Bangladesh. Bound by a shared Bengali identity, a porous 2,217-kilometer border, millions of cross-border family connections, and instant flows of information, any strain on one side quickly reverberates to the other.

Over the past 15 years, West Bengal’s former Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee engaged in Teesta discussions with both the Congress‑led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and the BJP‑led National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Yet she repeatedly raised concerns about water needs in North Bengal (Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar, Darjeeling, Uttar Dinajpur, Dakshin Dinajpur, and Malda districts), pointing to rising irrigation demand and shrinking dry‑season flows, and sounding the alarm that a simple 50–50 allocation would hurt the region’s agriculture. 

Teesta water-sharing had not been a major electoral issue in North Bengal, but her government broadened the debate to include arrangements on smaller rivers like Torsa, Jaldhaka, and Raidak, making a Teesta‑specific agreement all but impossible.

The 2026 election outcomes in West Bengal and Assam are closely watched in Bangladesh because these border states shape everyday realities—migration control, trade routes, and shared rivers. Assam, where the BJP-led alliance secured a third consecutive term, sits upstream on the Brahmaputra (Jamuna) that supports millions downstream in Bangladesh.

Yet in both West Bengal and Assam, the 2026 campaign spotlight focused far more on border security and “illegal migration” than on water security.

 BJP leaders repeatedly framed the election around “infiltration,” stronger border enforcement, and citizenship and identity politics, often portraying the ruling Trinamool Congress as an obstacle to tougher border measures. In this framing, Bangladesh clearly did not feature as a foreign policy partner.

Women BJP supporters gather outside Brigade Parade Ground  as Suvendu Adhikari becomes West Bengal's first BJP Chief Minister

Irrespective of domestic political rhetoric, India’s national strategic calculus has long viewed Bangladesh as a key partner for regional cooperation, given its geographical contiguity and deep cultural and historical ties. 

India’s broader regional frameworks—often articulated through “Neighbourhood First” and its eastward-oriented regional engagement—provide an enduring policy foundation that extends beyond short-term political cycles. During multiple visits and bilateral discussions with Bangladesh, India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi has consistently reaffirmed India’s commitment to resolving the Teesta impasse.

The sprawling Brigade Parade Grounds wore a festive look with folk performances and devotional music setting the tone for the swearing-in ceremony.

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Can Himanta do justice to 'displaced Bengali Hindus' ??? Can Silchar break the jinx and get a ministerial berth in the new team in Dispur ?

Post-swearing in of a new ministry in West Bengal, the heat and dust of acrimonious politics must end. It's time for governance now. 

 

Automatically, the focus would shift to Assam where the oath taking is likely to take place on May 12th while election of new BJP legislature party leader will be held on May 11. There were two issues in debate earlier - how many seats the Lotus party would win and whether Himanta Biswa Sarma will come back as the Chief Minister. 

As of now both the issues have been seemingly resolved. We know, BJP won 82 seats and the NDA tally is 102. We also know, in all probability Himanta got the green signal and has started discussions in the inner circle on cabinet formation. Now, who all will be Ministers, Speaker and so on ?  

Both in West Bengal and Assam, while the BJP is in power 'officially and technically'; in political sense and in more ways than one - 'outsiders' are enjoying the juicy portfolios. The "original BJP" is the most extinct species. 

Union Minister Sarbananda Sonowal was imported from AGP. Atul Bora must be regretting. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma - as is well known is from Congress stock. A number of ex Congress leaders have moved to the BJP and weakened the grand old party certainly. But the 'emergence' of these ex Congress turncoats have pushed the "origial BJP and RSS players" into the margins. 

This is not to find fault. Politics and Life go on like these.  Imagine a middleclass life; a son is made doctor and engineer by his struggling parents and there come times in lives when the 'outsider' daughter-in-law becomes the nucleus in that son's life. 

This blogger's own case is no exception. Both my parents are  gone and one can feel lonely but the life is on a guided a misguided track by the woman in my life. 

The father-in-law's daughter. 

The Hindi phrase is quite romantic - Sasur Ki Beti !!  

Now another vital issue with regard to cabinet formation in Assam. 

Will 'displaced Hindu Bengalis' get a better deal ? 

One line has gone viral in Silchar region from May 4 within hours the results started pouring in. 

Over the last 30 years, whether it was under AGP, Congress or BJP governments, Silchar as a constituency has been kept away from the Cabinet table.  

Dispur has been consistently inconsistent about doing justice to this vital township.   

I visited the Silchar and Cachar regions during January and even those days - "the neglect" of Bengali Hindus figured in our discussions.  

"Many politically aware citizens of Barak Valley now see this not merely as a question of political accommodation, but of fair representation and regional balance within Assam’s leadership structure. 

This concern becomes sharper when viewed against the legacy of towering Bengali Hindu voices like Late Kabindra Purkayastha and Late Bimolangshu Roy, who once gave Barak Valley strong ideological articulation within Assam’s political discourse," wrote Ayushmita Choudhury on Facebook.  

It may not be fair to speculate further. A cabinet formation is Chief Minister's prerogative and none from outside (especially a media man or a blogger based in Delhi) should join the debate. But as an old saying goes -- "There is no smoke without fire".

Well, one may take the liberty of adding -- it is a proverb meaning that if there are rumors, gossip, or signs of a problem, there is usually some truth behind them. 

Just as smoke indicates a fire, unpleasant accusations often have an underlying basis in reality, even if they are not entirely accurate. In politics it is all the more. 

 

Silchar elected BJP candidate Dr Rajdeep Roy this time. A former MP and in-charge of Tripura; he is a known political character from north east in the BJP circles in Delhi. We need not suggest more on these subjects.  

On a different place, we may point out that the Barak Valley, home to a large population of displaced Bengali Hindus who rebuilt their lives after Partition, has historically been one of the strongest pillars of support for the RSS, BJS and later the BJP. 

  

It is also true in Assam, the common Assamese are late entrants to the BJP/RSS idiom of politics. They have been committed Hindus but somehow, they stayed modestly isolated from the so-called Hindu chauvinism of Nagpur.

On the other hand, the Bengali Hindu community has played a defining role in the BJP’s gradual consolidation across the North-East.

Silchar has remained the ideological and organisational nerve centre of the Sanghparivar's political evolution.  

We may also suggest - Stronger your commitment and morals, ... harder your falls and the 'betrayals'. 

This is slightly distorted interpretation about morality and loyalty.

The BJP central leaders and also astute politicians such as Himanta and Dilip Saikia (state unit BJP president) know these facts pretty well. 

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Naga woman, Olina Ningshen, held captive by Kuki Militants rescued by Assam Rifes

The Naga woman, Olina Ningshen, held captive by KNA(B) faction was rescued by Assam Rifles in a very systematic operation conducted as a professional force. 

"Thanks to Assam Rifles for rescuing the Naga women, Olina Ningshen, in Manipur's Kamjong district.

She was abducted from Kangpat village after violence erupted in the Kamjong district recently," tweeted Lt Gen L Nishikanta Singh (Retd), who is also security advisor to Chief Minister, Manipur.

She was also later attended by a medical team of the Assam Rifles.

Meanwhile, a report received says an NSCN(IM) cadre apprehended near Choro and handed over to police was allegedly snatched back by a mob during transit. 

The convoy carrying civil and police officials was also reportedly stopped enroute. At a time when civilians remain vulnerable near the border, many are now asking:

"Who is really being protected here — ordinary people or armed cadres". 

Manipur Home Minister visits Indo-Myanmar Border villages post May 7 Attack 

In response to the attack by suspected Kuki armed groups on Naga villages in the Kamjong District along the Indo-Myanmar border on May 7, Manipur Home Minister Govindas Konthoujam visited the affected areas, accompanied by several Members of the Legislative Assembly (MLAs). 

The delegation included MLAs Thongam Biswajit Singh, Thangjam Arun Kumar, Ram Muivah, Khashim Vashum, Leishiyo Keishing, and Abdul Nasir, along with various bureaucrats and community leaders.

During the visit, the Home Minister spoke with women from the Leimashen area at Nambashi Khullen. Reports say the state Home Minister acknowledged the challenges faced by the villagers. 

Manipur was witness to heightened violence for quite sometime now. The state is scheduled to go for assembly polls by March 2027 along with Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Uttatakhand  and Goa.  

MLA Thongam Biswajit Singh emphasized that the people in both the hills and valleys have endured such unfortunate incidents numerous times. He urged the villagers to trust the government and remain hopeful for a better future.

Home Minister Govindas stated that the visit was arranged by the Chief Minister and recognized the suffering experienced by people in both the hills and valleys. 

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Suvendu as Chief Minister :::: It's Moditva now :::: What does it mean .. it would mean Hindutva punctuated with Development : It also means West Bengal will be 'new Lab'

 Emergence of Hindu Unity in new laboratory - the state of West Bengal 

An argument goes, in contrast to the Congress leaders in the past, Marxist bhadroloks as the chief ministers and perhaps also the mercurial street-fighter from Kalighat, Mamata Banerjee, Suvendu Adhikari as chief minister is expected to provide a New Delhi-driven, pro-majoritarian (read Hindu) style of administration. 

"We have been able to overcome bhoy with bhorosha," says CM Adhikari minuted after he was chosen the BJP legislature party leader on May 8th. 

The people's decisive mandate in Bengal was a personal triumph for Suvendu and also for PM Narendra Modi.  The young voters and an overwhelming section of women who will continue to have a big say in Bengal and national politics between 2006 and 2047. It marks the endorsement of Hindus for the politics of Hindutva --- that was started in Gujarat and today it has captured Bengal. 

Modi admirers and those tracking his politics closely say Modi has rather always used the crises (or challenges) to reinforce his political position and offer himself to the people as a "strong Hindu leader" in a country with about one billion Hindus in a population of 1.40 billion (140 crore). 

There is somewhat excitement even amongst tribals and Christians in north east.  

"Hopefully Suvendu sarkar will control the flooding Bangladeshis into his state, into north east and our states," remarked H. Zhimomi. Even in Bangladesh, the apprehension on 'push back' is on rise. But there is another area too.  

The fallout  will be especially pronounced in water diplomacy as the long-delayed Teesta water-sharing agreement continues to symbolise the limitations of past negotiations. When India’s then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh travelled to Dhaka in 2011, the agreement was on the verge of conclusion before it was blocked by Mamata Banerjee. With that obstacle now removed, there could be a narrow opening for renewed talks. 

Importantly, from the Hindu point of view - the challenge from Mamata and the elections 2026 had a salutary effect in uniting the majority community, cutting across the caste lines. In the past, one can tell from the experience of 2002 that within first three days of post-Godhra riots in Gujarat; the Hindutva leaders had clamed about the unity and the success in integrating the forward and the deprived sections. 

Slowly, the Muslims in Bengal too will realise that the so-called Sickular/secular parties henceforth cannot give up the need to appease Hindu sentiments. Mamata did try her luck with Jagannath dham project in Didgha. 

In Gujarat in 2002, Congress tried experimenting with a former RSS functionary Shankersinh Vaghela as the chief ministerial face for the first polls after the riots. 

It is not without good reason that chief minister Narendra Modi then had taunted Sonia Gandhi saying -- "I thank Jesus Christ that he had given the right sensibility to Soniaben to appoint a former RSS man as the Congress chief in Gujarat". 

Either in Bengal of 2026 or Gujarat of 2002; the underlining philosophy to achieve the Hindu unity has been the old VHP line of the 1990s -- "all Hindus should unite against Vidharmis (non-believers)".  

Suvendu had sensed the power of Hindutva well as soon as he came to the BJP and gradually he started making aggressive statements vis-a-vis Hindutva.  

Suvendu Adhikari often adopted a hardline Hindutva stance, framing his electoral victories as a direct mandate from Hindu voters and emphasizing a, "Jo hamare saath, hum unke saath".   

He did not hesitate in declaring on May 4th: "Yeh jeet Hindutva ka Jeet hae".  

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"poori janta ubhar parihae" :::::: Suvendu Adhikari - a story of Rising Stardom and the hard way ... "Giant Killer ... Twice" .... ::: His dad Shishir Adhikari would often call his son 'stubborn' and "perhaps more religious than me

Suvendu Adhikari sworn in as new chief minister of West Bengal. 

Dilip Ghosh, Agnimitra Paul take oath as Ministers. 

Suvendu can today certainly make his father Shishir Adhikari proud. 

"Today is the real independence that Shyama Prasad Mookerjee had envisioned" - Dinesh Trivedi  

"As Amit Shahji said, we have been able to overcome bhoy with bhorosha.”

“Not 46 per cent (the BJP’s vote share), we must bring more than 60 per cent of the people to us in the next election by working positively, implementing the resolutions, fulfilling Modiji’s dream. We must bring mothers and sisters to our side. We must create a Sonar Bangla.” -- Suvendu Adhikari said on Friday. 

Amit Shah said: 

“Now infiltration and cow smuggling will become impossible in West Bengal.” 

Suvendu can boast two giant-killing acts in his political career - having helped Mamata Banerjee end the Left’s 34-year rule in 2011 and then in 2026  ousting his mentor Mamata herself.  

Video link  

Mid way... he trounced Bengal's mercurial mass leader twice - in Nandgram in 2021 and then in Bhabanipur in 2026. 

                                 Suvendu Adhikari during the 2007 Nandigram agitation ( snap - The Telegraph) 

Shishir Adhikari (former Union MoS Rural Development) 

I - as Spl. Representative to 'The Statesman' accompanied another journalist colleague from another newspaper used to interact with Shishir Adhikari regularly.  Then he was Minister of State for R.D under Manmohan Singh --- UPA-2. Of course, he was fond of his son and always thought Suvendu would make big.  

 

But he would admit at times -- "I am afraid things are not happening as per his expectations". The Adhikaris - father-son duo had contributed a lot by finance and hard labour to make Mamata's agitation in Singur and Nandigram successful. 

Reportedly, the senior Adhikari never spoke clearly about those. 

"Ei shob hoe .... These things happen in politics and social service. But I know what exactly happened. That area was between the son and his mother," Shishir Adhikari said once. 

Like many or all TMC leaders, Shishir Adhikari too was a Mamata-loyalist and a hardcore that way. He said once the Trinamool has national ambition and "for us, under Mamata Banerjee and with her face, sky is the limit". (the interview was reported in 'The Statesman). 

He was also assertive kind of a personality. Few months before TMC walked out of the UPA over the issue of FDI, Shishir Adhikari and other TMC ministers had called on to PM Manmohan Singh. 

Apparently, they were not happy with the kind of 'cold treatment' they were getting from the Finance ministry and the Govt as a whole. Adhikari was most vocal in that meeting and he even told PM : "Mr Prime Minister, if you do not listen to us; we will tell our leader in Kolkata not to listen to anything else".   

Shishir Adhikari would often call his son 'stubborn' and "perhaps more religious than me ... he has picked up that from his mother". 

Former Union Minister and now High Commissioner of India to Bangladesh, Dinesh Trivedi, says, "This victory and swearing in is not for a party... poori janta ubhar pari hae".  

"Today is the real independence that Shyama Prasad Mookerjee had envisioned" 

"When India became independent and the independence that Shyama Prasad Mookerjee had seen, in real sense, today Bengal is getting that independence and has got it ... and that is why today the entire public has come out in large numbers...

"This is the result of the hard work of BJP workers and Union Home Minister Amit Shah".   

****  

What went in favour of Suvendu to be elected as BJP legislative party leader ...  

** He is known as a decisive leader.

** The BJP hopes he can steer the new government (Double Engine sarkar)

as it goes about fulfilling the primary promises of the BJP.

*** Bangadeshi Muslim immigrants issue will get top priority

*** All eyes will be there on how soon, West Bengal gets Uniform Civil Code (UCC).  Two BJP-ruled states Uttarakhand and Gujarat already have it. 

Suvendu was prominently named in the Saradha ponzi scheme and Narada cash-for-favours scams of 2013-16, with the saffron camp labelling him a “chor” (thief). He began to be probed by the central agencies.

Then came the biggest blow. After 2014, Mamata chose her nephew Abhishek Banerjee as her political heir, crushing the hopes of the ambitious protégé. 

After Suvendu’s defection in 2020, Mamata alleged he had jumped into the BJP’s “washing machine” to escape the agencies, and Trinamool portrayed him as a “traitor”.

Suvendu happens to be the first Bengal chief minister to come from the districts since Ajoy Mukherjee, also from East Midnapore, stepped down in 1971.

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