Rio calls spade a spade, pin points at 'Tyranny of mob'

Video row in Manipur calls for police reform 

New Delhi 

The difference between a dog bite and communal mobocracy is that in the latter case; the bark can become more fearful than the bite. 

Why did the armed forces 'release' 12 militants when a mob of women gheraoed them? What police have done in Manipur all these weeks could be best answered in the phrase 'eloquent silence'. 

I have seen police inaction 'at its peak' during 2002 mayhem in Gujarat and others have spoken about Mumbai cops during 1993 or Delhi in 1984. The most hard-hitting and an acidly factual statement on Manipur's video issue of an heinous crime has come from Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio.

Rio does a Candid analysis on Mob Tyranny

'Nagaland Page'

I am not really surprised as Mr Rio has the right political acumen and understands things. Some of our readers of 'Nagaland Page' may be taken by surprise that this  bitter critic of Rio has started applauding the Nagaland Chief Minister.

Mr Rio in his tweet on July 20th, wrote: "....Tyranny of mob has no place in a civilized society. We are deeply pained by the series of incidents that have been happening in Manipur". Effectively, nothing can be more candid about the ongoing situation in Manipur.

Frankly, the mob fury and the establishment succumbing to mobocracy has been the single biggest challenge in the state of Manipur. The mob angle works in other states as well. We are only surprised by the 'scale' of it.  

Even post July 19-20 nationwide uproar on the video footage and Prime Minister Narendra Modi using strongest words to condemn the same; look what has happened. 

The house of Huirem Herodas Meitei, the main accused in the video-parading assault case was set ablaze by an agitated mob. No body is sympathising with the accused but is this the way justice should be dispensed in world's largest democracy?

Duo need to work on Police Reform 

"...I assure the nation, no guilty will be spared. Law will take its course with all its might," the Prime Minister had said on July 20. Police reform is a long term solution which Neta-Babu raj seldom speaks about. 

In fact, 'man on the dock' N Biren Singh almost endorsed mob action that the 'house' of the accused was set ablaze. This is only a clever way of deflecting people's anguish.  "...his house was burnt by women. Manipur society is against crime against women. They consider women as their mothers," Biren Singh said. But that's the wrong way!

 

During the UPA era Chief Minister Ibobi Singh had endeared himself to his people when he defied the then Home Minister P Chidambaram's orders and 'did now allow' Naga rebel leader Thuingaleng Muivah to visit his native village Somdal. 

Biren Singh also has an image of a 'protector' of Meitei interests. The day he wanted to resign, thousands took to streets. Mamata Banerjee created such hangamas from time to time. 

In 2018 on the eve of Mizoram elections I was in Aizawl. There was a big row over Reangs participation in the polls and Chief Electoral Officer Mr Sashank had come under attack. There came a moment when there was a call for boycott of the CEO. My journalist friend (name kept withheld) declined to oblige the caller saying his media ethics did not allow him to do so.

Taking such tough stance is easier said than done. My friend not only went for covering Sashank's press conference, he also ensured my entry. And his 'protest' was distinctly unique; he declined to take tea or water and instead asked me to pull out my water bottle.

True, 'Hate-Politics' or polarisation games along with mobocracy can be dangerous if we do not draw a line. One former NSF leader puts it eloquently, "Party politics is one thing. Any government under oath represents all the people irrespective of their political affiliations and other divisions. Unfortunately the division of power and differentiation of party and government is lacking in the country." 

This 'objective governance' is missing in Manipur. Also missing in actions are central forces. In today's situation they want two things --- and both are being politely declined. One is the President's Rule and the other one is the Armed Forces Special Power Act (AFSPA). 

The mob culture or 'mob lynching' - a favourite phrase of Congress leaders these days - prevailed on the streets of Delhi in 1984 and in Gujarat in 2002. Our problem is we have selective amnesia. 

The mob fury prevailed in places like Shillong more than once. I know tribal student leaders who would hate to recall 'NEHU days' when one particular students' organisation got monopoly power.

Northeast India as a whole has always paid a big price of communal and ethnic strife. The 'logic of us and the ideology of others' motivates the  identity politics.

The syndrome comes from the traditional mindset that promotes -- "I am always right, so is my wife and my cousins and hence my clan, my tribe and my community". The 1987 and 1995 Shillong's communal troubles owe its origin to this menace. 

 

One can mention college union elections in Nagaland during our younger times.

In Kohima, there used to be two blocs - Tenyimi and non-Tenyimi. The 'plains students' would often be the deciding numbers. Around the same time, in other places  - the two blocs used to be Sema and non-Semas. I presume our younger lots have already got rid of the bad habits.