Diplomacy has to continue and India will have to do business with whoever is in power
Hasina’s ill-advised labelling of the demonstrators as “Razakars” — a term associated with collaborators during the 1971 war — further inflamed tensions.
Bangladesh’s independence from Pakistan was won in 1971 after a bitter nine-month war during which Bangladesh claims 3 million people were killed and hundreds of thousands of women raped.
On the current situation in Bangladesh, Congress MP Shashi Tharoor says "As far as India is concerned, the first and most important signal we need to send to the people of Bangladesh is that we stand with them, there are no other vested interests that India has...
"There are some disturbing reports coming, of attacks on Hindu homes, temples and individuals. We all saw the pictures of looting yesterday. It may calm down and stabilize in a couple of days, if it doesn't, then there is a risk even of refugees fleeing to our country and that would be a matter of grave concern."
I hope that our High Commissioner and our staff there are safe and monitoring the situation closely. We still don't know who is going to be in the interim government.
"There are some understandable concerns in India about the increasing influence of the Jamaat-e-Islami, which has taken a very hostile attitude to India in the past, and possible meddling by China and Pakistan...We don't want an unstable or an unfriendly neighbour...".
The country’s violent birth still plays a divisive role in Bangladesh’s politics, and Hasina and the Awami League have projected themselves as the protectors of the independence legacy.
There has long been a bitter and often violent divide between the Awami League and the main opposition BNP, whose leader, Khaleda Zia, was married to Ziaur Rahman, the party’s founder and the president after Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated in 1975. Ziaur Rahman’s supporters have argued that it was in fact him, then an army officer who revolted against the Pakistani forces, who first declared independence and not Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
Hasina has also often used the collaboration of some groups with the Pakistani military to denounce her opponents. During the current protests she angered the students by saying those on the streets were razakars – a term referring to a Bengali militia that supported the Pakistani army.
What happens next?
The military has announced it has taken control and will be forming an interim government until elections can be held. Many are hoping the country will not fall into the same patterns as before. The Awami League and BNP have tussled for power since the 1990s, when democracy was restored after a period of military rule, but the role of students in the recent protests has raised hopes of an alternative to break the cycle.
The military chief, Gen Waker-Uz-Zaman, has called on protesters to return to their homes and promised an investigation into the killings.
The daughter of a revolutionary who led Bangladesh to independence, Hasina presided over breakneck economic growth in a country once written off by US statesman Henry Kissinger as an irredeemable “basket case”.
She promised last year to turn all of Bangladesh into a “prosperous and developed country” but around 18 million young Bangladeshis are out of work, according to government figures.
Of course the development in Bangladesh and the ouster of a Prime Minister in such a manner and her fleeing the country serves as a stark reminder that economic progress alone cannot sustain a leader’s popularity.
Hasina’s tenure was marked by noteworthy economic achievements. Under her leadership, Bangladesh transformed from one of the world’s poorest nations into one of the fastest-growing economies in the region.
The country’s per capita income tripled in a decade, and the World Bank estimates that over 25 million people were lifted out of poverty in the last 20 years. Hasina’s government undertook ambitious infrastructure projects, such as the $2.9 billion Padma Bridge across the Ganges.
However, Hasina's detractors say Parliamentary elections in 2014, 2018, and 2024 were marred by low turnout, violence, and boycotts by opposition parties.
"Hasina’s government increasingly relied on hard power to maintain control, creating a climate of fear and repression. The Digital Security Act, implemented in 2018, became a potent weapon for the government and ruling party activists to silence critics and stifle freedom of expression, particularly online," says an article in 'Indian Express'.
Press freedom suffered, and civil rights were systematically suppressed as Hasina consolidated her position as the sole centre of power.
While the economy grew, so did the disparity between the haves and have-nots. Bank scams proliferated, and the list of loan defaulters ballooned.
Companies like CLC Power, Western Marine Shipyard, and Remex Footwear topped the list of defaulters, with bad loans ranging from 965 crore to 1,649 crore Bangladeshi Taka. The growing economic inequality, coupled with rampant corruption, fuelled public discontent despite the overall economic progress.
The recent student movement that ultimately led to Hasina’s downfall began as a simple demand for quota removal in civil service jobs. What started as peaceful demonstrations at the University of Dhaka quickly spread to other elite institutions and then to the general public. The situation escalated when members of the Awami League’s student wing, Bangladesh Chhatra League, began attacking protesters, transforming a non-political movement into a broader uprising.
Hasina’s response to the protests proved to be her undoing. Her decision to deploy police and paramilitary forces against the students late last month backfired, igniting widespread public anger. The government’s heavy-handed approach, including the imposition of a strict curfew with a “shoot-on-sight” order, only served to galvanise the movement.
Hasina’s ill-advised labelling of the demonstrators as “Razakars” — a term associated with collaborators during the 1971 war — further inflamed tensions.
As the protests gained momentum, they attracted support from diverse segments of society, including parents, teachers, and cultural activists. The movement transcended its initial demands and became a collective expression of frustration against 15 years of fear and harassment. The students’ refusal to engage in talks with the Prime Minister until their demands were met reflected the deep-seated mistrust and resentment.
Sheikh Hasina’s fall from grace serves as a cautionary tale for leaders who prioritise economic development at the expense of democratic values and civil liberties.
Unlike her predecessors, such as the unpopular army chief H M Ershad who was jailed but did not flee the country, Hasina’s departure marks a significant shift in Bangladesh’s political landscape. Her departure like a tinpot dictator fleeing in a helicopter from a secret location with a raging mob looting her official residence is reminiscent of scenes in movies.
The events in Bangladesh underscore the importance of balancing economic progress with democratic governance as well as transparency and accountability in the absence of which only few benefit at the expense of many. While Hasina’s economic achievements were commendable, her exercise of hard power and disregard for democratic norms ultimately led to her downfall. As Bangladesh moves forward, it faces the challenge of regaining its economic momentum while restoring faith in its democratic institutions and addressing inequalities that have emerged in recent years.
The resignation of Sheikh Hasina serves as a lesson that resonates not only in Bangladesh but across the globe, highlighting the delicate balance between socio-economic progress and democratic values, that matter no less to people for whom these have never been mutually exclusive.
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