In 2014, PM Narendra Modi had invited the then Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif to attend his swearing in ceremony.
But nothing much had materialised.
Since 2016, Modi’s government has refused to engage with Pakistan accusing Islamabad of cross-border terrorism.
The two nations have fought three wars and numerous smaller skirmishes since being carved out of the subcontinent’s partition in 1947. Occupied Jammu and Kashmir has been at the centre of tensions.
But in March 2023, Modi congratulated Shehbaz Sharif on his return to the premiership in the neighbourhood.
Modi's ties with United States and Europe in next five years
President Joe Biden hosted Modi for a state dinner last year and has called ties with India the “defining partnership of the 21st century”.
In February, Washington approved a $4 billion sale of state-of-the-art drones to India, the latest bolster to India’s defence in a counterbalance to neighbouring China. That deepening of ties has come despite rights groups sounding the alarm about threats to India’s democracy and increased discrimination towards the 200-million-plus Muslim minority.
The relationship has not been entirely seamless, however. The US Justice Department last year charged an Indian citizen with allegedly plotting an assassination attempt in New York approved by India’s intelligence agency.
India also has strong ties with European countries. With France, it hopes to expand multi-billion-dollar deals including the sale of Rafale fighter jets and Scorpene-class submarines, says a piece in 'Dawn', Pakisani daily.
China
Relations between the world’s two most populous countries slumped in 2020 after their troops fought a deadly high-altitude skirmish along their 3,500-kilometre frontier.
Tens of thousands of troops from the nuclear-armed Asian giants continue to eyeball each other. Territorial claims remain a perennial source of tension. Modi’s right-wing government has pumped billions of dollars into border infrastructure and boosted military spending by 13 percent last year — but it is still barely a quarter of China’s.
Despite their rivalry, China is India’s second-largest trade partner.
Russia
New Delhi and Moscow have ties dating back to the Cold War and Russia remains by far the biggest arms supplier.
India has shied away from explicit condemnation of Russia for its invasion of Ukraine, abstained on UN resolutions censuring Moscow, and snapped up cut-price Russian crude oil supplies, says the article by news agency AFP.
Modi in March congratulated President Vladimir Putin on his re-election, adding he was looking forward to developing their “special” relationship.
‘Global South’
Modi has also projected India as a key member of the BRICS club of emerging economies, and this week called New Delhi “a strong and important voice of the Global South”.
It was under Modi’s watch that the African Union bloc joined the G20, with India arguing developing nations need a greater say in global decision-making.
The 73-year-old Hindu nationalist leader, who is pushing for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, has been courted by the United States and European allies as a counterweight to China.
India, the world’s fifth-largest and fastest-growing major economy, is a favourite of Western leaders — despite warnings by rights activists about rising authoritarianism.
Modi used India’s holding of the G20 presidency in 2023 to burnish his image abroad, and hopes to build on hosting the cricket World Cup last year by bidding for the 2036 Summer Olympics.
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| Nawaz Sharif and Vajpayee - 1999 |
(The politicians of INDI alliance say Pakistan has not worn bangles, oh brother we will make it wear them.)”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s jibe at an election rally in Muzaffarnagar last month was aimed more at his political opponents than the neighbouring country. The remarks, a direct response to an earlier comment by National Congress leader Farooq Abdullah, underscore the heightened political tensions and the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) efforts to galvanise voter support through strong nationalistic sentiments.
With the tenure of the 17th Lok Sabha of the Indian Parliament scheduled to end on June 16, India just completed its 44-day election cycle — starting April 19 and ending June 1 — to elect 543 members to the Lok Sabha.
This wasn’t the first time that Pakistan had been dragged into India’s political rhetoric. Over the years, the BJP has increasingly used the neighbouring country as a rhetorical punching bag, particularly as the campaign has heated up in successive elections cycles.
Distortive narratives
The recent escalation, with PM Modi taking jabs at the INDIA bloc — a multi-party alliance led by the country’s largest opposition party, the Indian National Congress — using Pakistan, can be traced to an interview of Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, published by the Press Trust of India.
During the interview, Singh had asserted that India didn’t need to forcefully capture Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) since people were willing to be a part of India having witnessed the developments in Indian occupied Kashmir. The annexation of AJK remains a prominent and contentious agenda on the BJP’s election manifesto, fuelling further debate and drama.
According to media reports, Abdullah, in response to the defence minister’s statement, said: “If the defence minister is saying so, they can go ahead and do it, but remember they are also not wearing bangles; the country has atom bombs, and unfortunately, the bombs will fall on us.”
A few days later, an old video of Mani Shankar Aiyar resurfaced, creating quite a stir. In the clip, the veteran Congress leader can be heard referring to Pakistan as “the biggest asset to India” and advocating for dialogue with the neighbouring country.
Unsurprisingly, his comment was taken out of context, inciting a political firestorm. Aiyar’s remarks were interpreted by some as suggesting that India should engage with Pakistan out of fear of the latter’s nuclear arsenal — a stark misrepresentation of what the Congress leader actually meant.
During the Muzaffarnagar rally, Modi seized on this distorted narrative and accused the Congress-led INDIA alliance of being scared of Pakistan, suggesting that leaders of the bloc seem to be plagued by nightmares of Pakistan’s nuclear capabilities.
BJP’s campaign strategy
“The BJP’s Pakistan rhetoric during this election is different from 2019, which was all about the Pulwama-Balakot attacks and deterrence. It was built on the interplay between terrorism from Pakistan and nationalism from India; that’s why the BJP took the stand: ‘Ghar me ghus ke maarenge (We will enter your homes and hit you)’,” said A*, a professor of international relations at one of India’s largest universities, who asked not to be named due to the sensitivities surrounding the topic.
“But in 2024, the rhetoric revolves around a decision taken in August 2019 — revoking Article 370 of the Constitution. It is built around taking control of all of Kashmir. The prime minister has been emphasising Pakistan’s economic and political instability, as well as its involvement in Afghanistan and the resulting backlash.
“This was to portray Pakistan as a weakened state. Previously, the BJP’s narrative centred around branding Pakistan as a hub of terrorism. However, the narrative has now evolved. The message being conveyed is that while Pakistan remains a terrorist state, it is now weak and fragile, in stark contrast to India’s growing strength on the global stage,” A* continued.
During the 2024 elections, the BJP’s campaign strategy has included a blend of anti-Pakistan rhetoric, Hindu-Muslim dynamics, and foreign policy stances designed to appeal to voters in the west and north of India. Yet, these themes have not resonated as much in the eastern and southern parts of the country.
“Even among those who support these views, it’s uncertain if they will translate into votes,” A* added.
During various election rallies, India’s Home Minister Amit Shah and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath have said that if the BJP comes back to power, the party will move aggressively on “taking back” AJK, as the party has always mentioned in its manifesto, to reclaim the part of Kashmir that lies on the Pakistani side of the Line of Control (LOC).
Concurring with A*, Ajay Darshan Behera, a professor at the Academy of International Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, said: “It was all about Pulwama back in 2019. Congress had a similar manifesto in a limited way back in 2019, but once Pulwama happened, the opposition was totally blown away by the BJP’s nationalist narrative.”
“In 2024, the rhetoric on Pakistan has diminished due to visible fatigue among the voters. People are more worried about day-to-day problems like unemployment and inflation. After 10 years of BJP rule, they have realised the false promises made by the BJP. After 10 years of BJP rule, many have become disillusioned with the party’s unfulfilled promises.
“This time, the opposition has wisely avoided getting entangled in the BJP’s anti-Pakistan and anti-Muslim narratives, focusing instead on concrete issues that directly impact people’s lives,” Behera added.
Meanwhile, Modi and his party did not just continue to bring Pakistan into their election campaigns but also went on to accuse Congress, the main opposition party, of supporting and receiving support from the neighbouring country.
On May 1, Pakistan’s former information minister Fawad Chaudhry tweeted a video of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi with the comment, “Rahul on Fire”. The tweet went viral, racking up 1.8 million views.
First ever seat in Kerala.
ReplyDeleteFantastic performance in Telangana and Andhra. It's a great outcome for BJP.
To reach near to 250 alone and near to 300 as NDA, is not less than a miracle for any political party in Bharat, if coming 3rd time in power, despite of all incumbency factors.
So many points to celebrate. -- Ashima Dhar, Assam