Saturday, November 22, 2025

TDP and JD-U now endorse 'language of Hindutva' :::: Congress has 90 general secretaries in Kerala ::: 5,000 ABVP activists and 100 volunteers from multiple Sangh outfits were deployed in Bihar elections ::: All for 'Hindu Rashtra' ... Modi's grip is firm and Sickular gang left leaking wounds !!


The endorsement of Narendra Modi also means regional parties such as JD-U, RDP of N Chandrababu Naidu and LJP (Ram Vilas) ... will gradually adjust and adapt to the language of Hindutva. 


Late Rajiv Gandhi had given a slogan - 'Elections are won; elections are lost". 

His son Rahul had taken the second part serious and it is estimated now he has lost about 90 elections. 


In Congress, No introspection has started yet. Yet, the focus is elsewhere -- who all should make it to the Rajya Sabha.  


There is yet another feature of a 'Kerala Model' of Congress politics. It has 90 general secretaries in the state unit. There would be about 100 vice presidents. In districts and blocks - there may not be many workers.  

Footsoldiers matter when you want to win election. In a party of sycophants ... it is definitely something else.


Now check out the 'BJP Model'. It's not Vote-chori. It is a team work and hard work.

An estimated 5,000 activists of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the RSS’s student wing, were divided into groups/ sub groups and 'tolis' of five-eight each to work silently round the clock in Bihar perhaps little before peak campaigning.


So; the RSS and importantly Mohan Bhagwat's blessings were there behind the scenes in Bihar to retain the state for NDA.


In more ways than one Seemanchal was crucial and looking back one can say the Bihar polls will now have a significant impact on national polity. How ?









As goes a very old saying; there are many ways to skin a cat.

Look at this. 


The RSS and the BJP will often talk about pluralism in states where this is a critical element. Like Assam was a fantastic example of that in 2016 when the Congress was still it power. They would also throw up debates about co existence of various social forces within the larger Hindutva fold. 

The BJP leaders would debate 'state-level issues' like joblessness and infra developments in such a manner that the central leadership and BJP leaders in respective states are seen as benefactors. 

The Centre-state disputes would be left to district/local or state-level players and the narrative of Development -- Double Engine etc - is used to replace the irritants between the Centre and the state or even for matters which could be projected as step motherly treatment of the centre. 


"For Bihar, this moment marks a final rupture from the moment of 1990 — from the political project of social justice to fragmented caste identities and portents of majoritarian assertions. Beyond Bihar, it means a major advance in the BJP’s dominance. 

It also means a more steely grip of Narendra Modi over his party and the country," says analyst Suhas Palshikar. 





Suhas Palshikar is also a great worshipper of Sickular politics which draws its strength from the strengths of hate towards Hindutva and against Narendra Modi. 

So when he lanmends: "The past decade has shown that the dominance of the BJP and Modi was characterised by two essentials — complete control of the governmental machinery and a push towards a de facto Hindu Rashtra." 


He is almost a case of Sickular surrender.  


Even for core political decisions, in contrast, the Congress is clueless about stemming the further expansion of the Moditva brand of polity. The grand old party remains a ivory tower creature. The party leaders feel insulted and ignored whenever someone is given a responsibility in rural areas. 

Even a basic political work like selection of candidates is either outsourced or is decided by sycophancy.

Since 2014, polls are polls it selected wrong issues which voters could not find the right connect. 'Chowkidar chorhae' and Vote-Chori' have two consistency points -- Rahul Gandhi loves the word Chor/chori and the electorate keep such things at bay.


Now let us discuss about Kerala. The Congress could not win the state polls in 2021 and thus the CPI-M led LDF got the chance to continue in office. This southern state normally threw up all governments every five years. The 2021 was one big story of Rahul's failure.  


In 2026; hence the Congress has to win the polls in Kerala. But Marxist friends are lucky as the Kerala unit of Congress has many claimants for chief ministership. Shashi Tharoor is now a story done and dusted. Rahul's man will be K C Venugopal.


In national and high-command level; many Congress people are praying so that Venugopal goes to Kerala as the chief minister and the party gets a new and more India-knowing general secretary in-charge of organisation.  


As an organisation. the party has about 100 vice presidents and 90 general secretaries. In other words, everyone is 'state level' leader capable of becoming MP and Ministers in the state. In the process; the boothworkers have done a vanishing act. 





So if no one complains about Vote chori by BJP at the booth level; you cannot blame Rahul Gandhi. 





Again in Bihar; the Sangh and NDA insiders say results show that voters, including Muslims, decided to “get associated with politics of development” on the back of a campaign message centred on “sushasan” and “vikas”.

See what meticulous planning and hard work results in -- 


** BJP’s vote share increased from 42.56% in 2020 to 48.44% 

** The Janata Dal (United) vote share increased from 33 per cent to 46.2% 

** LJP(RV) votes jumped from 10.26% to 43.18%, 

** Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular) climbing from 32.28% to 48.39%, 


** RLM to 41.09% up from 4.41%.


Strategically what was also vital was that the BJP applied methodologies under which three issues dominated voters' minds. 

-- Nationalism 

- Interests of the Hindu community and pro-Hindutva line

- and Performance of candidates and good faces. 


The RJD and the Congress fell much weaker contenders on all these fronts.   


While some volunteers were permanently based in Bihar, others, such as those from the ABVP and studying at academic institutions across the country, participated in the outreach during whatever time they could spare, especially during the 10 to 15-day period preceding the first phase of polling.







Sangh organisations did not encourage much debate on castes. 


Seemanchal - Fine planning: 


When it came to constituencies with discernible changes in demography over the recent past, the Sangh relied on its support base built over decades. 


In the Seemanchal region, -- the Sangh has actually built its presence in the last 10 to 15 years through social service and volunteer work.

This helped in consolidating the 'Hindu votes' over and above caste lines in as many as 28 to 32 seats. 


32 seats with large Muslim populations


If the number of votes polled in favour of NDA candidates has increased, leading to increments in vote share for parties on the whole, it means that voters from across caste and community divides have preferred NDA.

This meant approval of Nitish Kumar's image and also for Sushasan and vikas -- Good Governance and Development.


The BJP Minority Morcha also targeted door-to-door outreach.


ends 

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