The vested interests will work overtime. They love to call something called "revolutions without revolutionaries".
It's deliberate. But of course -- we must say the phrase is partly correct.
These are seemingly - Revolutionaries. But essentially - a case of foreign/western interference.
That's a pattern certainly.
Prior to targeting South Asia - the Deep State or other players in the west targeted the Arab world. This was way back in 2011. The blame was on internet and social media power. They called it 'Arab Spring'. The name was given by western media and intellectuals only.
And they did these naming and shaming business rather very fast.
In Egypt, mass mobilisation removed the former President Hosni Mubarak.
The military "retained" its hold. Then what turned out in Egypt was later called counterrevolution. It was also stated that these came faster than the 'reform' as the west had defined.
In 2020, after a decade; it was described quite eloquently.
"An era of uprisings, nascent democracy and civil war in the Arab world started with protests in a small Tunisian city. The unrest grew to engulf the Middle East, shake authoritarian governments and unleash consequences that still shape the world a decade later". (The Guardian, London)
Just to sample here -
A fruit seller Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire on Dec 17, 2010. His protest was he was 'slapped' by a police officer. This was given as the trigger. By the end one month, half of Tunisia had erupted in protest.
In the 18 days between Bouazizi’s self-immolation on December 17th 2010 and his death on 4 January, the most dramatic social unrest in Tunisia in decades unfolded, bringing the government of dictator Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali to its knees and ultimately forcing him to cede power 10 days after the fruit seller died.
The tragic episode/drama was that the lonely death of a distressed vendor had become the symbol of a collective rage that defined an era.
**
In Sri Lanka in early 2022, in response to a severe economic crisis, massive protests resulted in the ouster of the then president Gotabaya Rajapaksa and other members of the powerful Rajapaksa political dynasty.
He was succeeded by Ranil Wickremesinghe, another member of the discredited political elite, who held office for the next two years.
In late 2024, new elections brought to power a leader and political party that had been long opposed to the country’s traditional political and economic elites.
Of course, it is also stated that Sri Lanka’s political transition is notable both because it is a rare democratic success story in an era marked by democratic backsliding around the world.
Anti-government protesters in Sri Lanka - 2022
Then there was Bangladesh in July-August 2024 and in September - the so-called Gen Z protest was kicked off in Nepal.
For the ouster of India-friendly Sheikh Hasina; they call it "student victories". But it has been lucidly described by pro-west intellectuals that the developments in Bangladesh "collided with security and bureaucratic power".
Jargon difficult to stomach easily has been pushed -- insurgent coalitions could institutionalise without absorption.
Before you understand the 'deeper' machinations; ....
we are already in Kathmandu. Here it was Gen Z's "digital rights protest" that reportedly sparked bigger troubles exposing a
"deeper patronage bargains that invited law and order responses".
An article in Dhaka's 'Daily Star' also says -
"The lesson is comparative: when movements cannot embed broad coalitions inside coercive and fiscal institutions, elite recomposition proceeds under the banner of responsibility."
It was also stated:
"A striking commonality across Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal is how much they resemble what Asef Bayat terms "revolutions without revolutionaries": eruptions sparked by ordinary people, precipitated by structural shocks such as debt distress, price spirals and abrupt restrictions on digital life, and coordinated through diffuse networks rather than disciplined organisations." - author --
Niladri Chatterjee is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Cultural Sciences at Linnaeus University, Sweden.
| Nepal protest |
The outrage in Nepal was rooted in social and economic problems that had been growing for years, with jobs the central issue.
A 'majority of Nepalis' work without officially reported jobs, mostly in farming.
And unemployment is heavily concentrated among younger adults.
| Kathmandu - tension and security |


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