BJD pinpricks 'social justice' plank vis-a-vis Growth

They have been trying to be friends often. But Trinamul, Biju Janata Dal differences on economic issues come to the fore in Lok Sabha and that too quite clearly when BJD member virtually pin-pricked Saugata Roy's rhetoric on 'social growth' plank.

While they took the budget debate to a newer heights with key members from both parties waxing  

eloquent on the same they clearly had diametrically opposite views on key issues.

While Mr Saugata Roy articulated TMC's views on growth and social justice, BJD member Jay Panda
lauded Finance Minister Arun Jaitley's maiden budget for trying to address the "fiscal deficit".

"I compliment the Finance Minister for starting his Budget with a very bold initiative in committing to the
inherited fiscal deficit, which is the lynchpin of the economic health of this country," Mr Panda, MP from
Kendrapara in Odhisa, said.

Participating in the debate on the Finance Bill, Trinamul member, Saugata Roy earlier said, "We are
not against growth, but we believe in growth with social justice. Pursuing growth alone will lead to
millions of poor people unfed".

Mr Roy, also a former minister in the UPA-2, charged the Modi regime with siding with the corporate.
"I always say that the philosophy of the present government seems to be inclined towards the so-called
growth and inclined towards the corporate which I do not appreciate," he said.

The vocal TMC member alleged that among other lacuna, the budget does not pronounce any step to address black money related issues. He also said that the government has neglected "progressive property tax reforms".
He said BJP member Mr Nishikant Dubey, who also spoke in the debate, almost sounded like a
spokesman of the corporate, a charge, of course was denied by the ruling party MP.

But the BJD member, Mr Panda maintained the government is on the right track while focusing on achieving growth and cautioned that those who support more subsidies and even "higher fiscal deficit" do not understand the adverse impact of such a situation. Almost countering TMC member's 'social justice' argument, Mr Panda said, "people who criticize and say that perhaps more money should have been spent and the fiscal deficit could have been higher. These people do not understand that a higher fiscal deficit leads to many other ills such as devaluation of our currency and higher inflation".

Referring to a famous statement made by legendary socialist leader Biju Patnaik in 1990s, Mr Panda said,
"states should be given fiscal independence" and allowed to augment own resources to meet the expenditures".

Narendra Modi's : First multi-nation visit: Success or Failure

Of all the things said by politicians and experts, some self-proclaimed and some genuine, in last two months, one statement that needs real dissection is Shashi Tharoor’s eloquent remarks. “An ambitious man, Narendra Modi appears to realize that ….. he wants to make a success of his government,” wrote Tharoor in his now famous blog for The Huffington Post. Undoubtedly this principle guides Indian Prime Minister both on home front and when he is overseas shaking hands with world leaders. A section of media in India has already hailed Modi’s latest diplomatic sojourn for BRICS summit and his one-on-one interactions with a few world leaders including the illustrious Vladimir Putin

It is simply too early to judge Narendra Modi vis-à-vis the canvas of the comity of nations. But it is also true, the real assessment of his engagements with these leaders would be worth a study in recent international studies.

Both the Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself and his critics or admirers either way would do well to curb the impatience and leave the answer to that query to the womb of time.

But the fact that Narendra Modi, armed with a huge mandate in a fiercely contested most democratic elections in the world, was available at the world stage for the first time. Although, Modi had visited Bhutan last month, in all practical sense his trip to Brazil and stopover at Berlin in Germany was the first brush with hardcore diplomacy. Thus, there is nothing wrong in analyzing his performance as the Prime Minister of world’s largest democracy.

In lay man’s language, it went off well. But in depth scrutiny of Modi’s interactions, the developments in BRICS Summit and his meetings with a galaxy of leaders like Putin and a ‘missed’ dinner with the German Chancellor Angela Merkel reveal that Modi has left a distinct mark with his unique aplomb. 

One single most achievement was perhaps an attempt has been made by the ‘chief executive’ of world’s largest democracy to change a global perception that its foreign policy is generally non-committal, passive and mostly guided by short term and emotive agendas. Modi has able to punctuate the crucial tactical visions in Indian foreign policy. 

But those who expected giant leap from Modi’s maiden overseas travel are apt to be disappointed.

Well, one could sound a bit skeptical but cannot help remarking that if a country which does not look at its past and present to draw a foreign policy is actually on a flawed roadmap. Modi seems to have done his home work prior to all key meetings.

And as the Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who had a humble origin of being a son of a tea vendor, wrapped up his first major multilateral visit having separately met China President Xi Jinping, Russia President Vladimir Putin, Brazil President Dilma Rousseff and South African President Jacob Zuma, there is a strong feeling that an opportune use of the occasion has been made. 

Feedback from intelligence agencies suggest even among the mandarins from other countries; the occasion was ‘exploited’ well as a good opportunity for India to assume a greater role for itself as a future global player. “We have the aspirations and when opportunities come, the new Prime Minister took two steps forward when the expectation was only one step,” says one insider in the Ministry of External Affairs.

Others say, his handshakes were ‘firm’ as if he had rehearsed the events pretty well and typical to his characteristic took note of minutest things like German Chancellor Merkel’s birthday and thus when he spoke to her over phone, he did extend the birthday greetings.

Modi talking to German Chancellor over phone

The aptitude to do proper homework about each leader and countries came in handy for Modi when the actually meetings took place. Thus, his carefully tailored oneliners with each leaders at every bilateral meetings went off well.

Modi apparently floored his foreign counterparts with his carefully tailored comments at every bilateral meeting. With a robust Putin, Modi mirrored an image of a confident man.

Similarly, with China, he did not seen to be bogged down by any bitterness of the past. Although Shanghai has been selected as the venue for BRICS Bank, the fact that first presidentship for the New Development Bank for India came with the backing of Brazil and South Africa is also significant.

However, insiders suggest Modi was particularly keen for having the Bank in India but apparently weak campaigning in last one year by the previous Manmohan Singh regime vis-à-vis Chinese campaign led to the set back that it went to Shanghai. 

The proposed bank is expected to cater for cross-border infrastructure delivery projects, says officials adding the bank would have a launching capital of US$50-billion. As per plans, resources are to be pooled from member partners to deliver on infrastructures, especially in Africa in initial stage.

However, insiders in the foreign policy making body in India also maintain that the BRICS should not be viewed merely in terms of concrete issues such as the development bank, but also as a collaboration on strategic political issues.
With an assertive Indian approach and body language of a time-tested ear-on-ground leader (Narendra Modi); there is broad feeling among other BRICS nations also about the growing failure of the west, especially on the economic front. 

Modi’s country-specific interaction with the world leaders also suggest that having claimed it well that SAARC is vital, at the next level, Modi left no ambiguity to underline that BRICS is equally vital if not more if the member nations have to make their presence felt. 

It was Indian side’s confident maneuver that the BRICS Declaration at Fortaleza clarified that China and Russia reiterated the importance they attach to Brazil, India and South Africa’s status and role everyone would play in international affairs and support their aspirations to play a greater role in the UN.

Many of Modi’s ideas, like the one on a BRICS University, found mention in the declaration. 

With Brazil President Dilma Rousseff 

North East India - Modi and Financial Management

A myopic bureaucratic and political class lacks the will to overcome north-east India’s institutional deficiencies, but now it is high time for northeastern states to wonder as to what they can really do for the country.

Development cannot be a mere destination. Rather it has to be a method of life. This is easier said especially in the context of northeast India, as in this development-starved region cradled amid hills and valleys generally we are used to phrases like non viability, collapse of road sector, financial crunch. And how they have derailed a host of developmental and infrastructure projects. The near 50-day Modi dispensation has tried to show the mirror about northeast India’s projects to the states in the region and perhaps also to itself. 

Firstly, the White Paper on National Highways Authority of India brought to light menaces like “undue importance” given to projects without considering project preparedness and viability factors. 

Thus, nationwide we have 189 projects in ‘dispute’ with the total amount of money at stake being Rs 27,209.56 crore. Out of these, 8 projects in north east India are in ‘dispute’ and the amount in question is Rs 608.52 crore.

In terms of national budget, this is definitely peanuts; but for the development-starved 7 or 8 sister states it comes to significant number of projects and also money.

Again during the presentation of the Railway Budget 2014-15, the Railway Minister D V Sadananda Gowda did some plain speaking and showed how various crucial projects and papers related to them were gathering dust.

"Railways have been suffering heavily because of time overrun and cost overrun due to poor project management," the Minister said adding there are as many as 23 railway projects underway in the northeast. Official sources point out that among them a few like, Lumding-Badarpur-Silchar Gauge Conversion in Cachar region in Assam is pending for about a decade now.

The project was decided and launched in 1996 with a 10-year deadline but the work progress is at snail pace and far from satisfactory. The Railway Minister proposed a quantum leap in fund allocation for these projects saying there will be near 54 per cent jump over allocations than previous year. With higher allocation and close monitoring of works, it is hoped, Lumding-Badarpur-Silchar Gauge conversion (Assam), Dudhnoi-Mendipathar (Assam-Meghalaya) new line, Harmuti-Murkongselek (to help connectivity in Arunachal) and Balipara-Bhalukpong sections will soon get commissioned.
The Northeast Frontier Railway has already ear-marked that the branch line from Balipara to Bhalukpong will be ready by January 2015. The 20 km Harmuty-Naharlagun was identified as crucial to national security owing to the presence of Chinese railway infrastructure on the state’s borders.

Then came in the Budget 2014-15 where in the Finance Minister Arun Jaitley has made a realistic assessment of things and according to none other than the Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, presented a ‘ray of hope’.

Over the decades, Governance and Developments or the lack of these two aspects form the cardinal factors about providing an administration to the northeast. There need not be a shed of sentimentalism in the argument but it goes without saying that irrespective of inherent cynicism, true developments and upliftment of native people’s condition always seemed to give a moral brooding to local youths not to go haywire.

The absence of development is a catalyst for the younger lots and others towards age-old insurgency or anti-India movements in India. The taste of the cake is in its eating. 

It is more in the region as job-accountability is a fast eroding commodity these days. The Modi government’s maiden budget for 2014-15 lists out a few new and revamped projects for the northeast. The true test for the Modi government will be to ensure that these promises are implemented and the projects get commissioned at the earliest. 

The implementation is much with the state governments. Here, Congress party is in power in important states like Manipur, Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Assam and Mizoram. No chief minister is known in these five states for delivering exceptionally well. Moreover, opposition-parties - Left in Tripura, NPF in Nagaland and SDF in Sikkim due to plethora of factors including a myopic bureaucratic and lack of a national vision. 
The Finance Minister also spoke about the need to generate ‘more resources’ to fuel the economy. Having said these, I come to the stage where, for instance, compatriots in a state like Nagaland in 1990s had opposed the imposition of income tax provisions on locals.

The plea that these states in northeast fall under Special Category states is also no healthy argument as the funding pattern to northeast was also changed by the 9^th Finance Commission in 1991-92. Therefore, as Arun Jaitley moots bold steps to enhance economic activity and spur growth, it is high time northeastern states too wonder for themselves as to what they can really do for the country, mainstream India.

A far-sighted vision or the lack of it is what got the northeast where it is, only a neo-pragmatism and responsible economic management can now save the day and also take the region to newer heights.

ends

Modi’s Friendship offensive in South Asia vis-a-vis Northeast

The policy of ‘development and friendship offensive’ undertaken by the Modi regime in South Asia is seen as a game-changer and aimed at building pressure on both alleged non-state players and state agencies who have over the decades given support to terror groups. These can certainly help curb insurgency menace in northeast India.

  

There is little to dispute that terrorism is a global challenge. Closer home in South Asia, it has all the more dangerous dimension with diplomatic riddles.

There is no gain saying in pointing out that over the years, the role of Pakistan and its sincerity in curbing the terror menace is questioned several times; not only by New Delhi but also by other global players. This was the hard point experts and commoners debated when the Prime Minister Narendra Modi decided to invite his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif for the highly publicized swearing in ceremony on May 26, 2014.

It’s just over a month now since the Modi regime has taken over. It would be erroneous to expect miracles both in domestic matters of public importance like price rise and in international dimension the vexed and complex issue of counter terrorism. However, the greater South Asian engagement approach by the new government is on the right track. The Modi government’s initial South Asian engagement gives the impression that as the regional ‘big brother’ New Delhi wants to take other players in the region along with it in pursuit of the global positioning in peace and prosperity.

Besides trying to establish a personal rapport with Nawaz Sharif, Prime Minister Modi made it a point that his first visit abroad is to neighbouring Bhutan. Similarly, the External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj too has made a visit to Bangladesh.

In the meantime, security agencies in Delhi have lately alerted all northeastern states to intensify vigil in border areas about the possibilities to revive Islamic fundamentalism in some vulnerable pockets. Apparently Islamic fundamentalist agencies are looking for ways to harm Sheikh Hasina regime’s friendly policies towards India and also help create anti-India sentiment among border areas.

Both Bhutan and Bangladesh, the two countries which came into diplomatic focus during the last fortnight, are not only of strategic significance for India but they are vital for peace and stability in the entire northeast region. 

Lately, in fact, since 2003-04 itself Bhutan has shown exemplary friendly approach and allowed a joint military operations against ULFA in that country. No matter whatever controversy is being made out of about alleged use of money power, Bhutan’s gesture weakened the Assam-based outfit and tacit assistance to Indian agencies by Sheikh Hasina regime only marginalized ULFA further.

Former Naga CM Rio with Home Minister Rajnath

These exercises in friendly ties have been reciprocated well by India in terms of being accommodating neighbour like cooperation in power generation, infrastructure development and free trade arrangement for expanding bilateral trade. 

On Bangladesh front, the External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj tried to walk an extra-mile when she reached out to West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee to ensure consensus for Teesta Water sharing deal with Bangladesh.

During his visit to Himalayan Kingdom, Bhutan, Prime Minister Modi made a significant statement when he said ‘Terrorism divides and Tourism unites’.

The statement assumes bigger significance vis-à-vis north-east India as tourism between northeastern region and the neighbouring countries like Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan can be a game changer in more ways than one. But the latent candid message of Modi’s terrorism-tourism remark is not missed on the observers of South Asian geo-political situations. 

Even the north-east India watchers know it pretty well that Modi’s remarks were only veiled attack on countries like Pakistan who have allowed their land to be abused by forces inimical to India. In the past and to an extent even at present, Indian agencies suggest that the territories in some of these countries have offered enough space and scope to run recruitment centres of terror outfits and ‘safe’ training camps for militant groups. 

Even during the Manmohan Singh regime, the government of India had advocated forthright that in fight against terrorism, no state and no government could escape responsibility by pointing to ‘non-state actors’.

Diplomacy is rightly also compared with the game of billiard – where in one hits at something to score a point against another.

Thus, the policy of ‘development and friendship offensive’ undertaken by the Modi regime in South Asia is perhaps aimed at building pressure on Islamabad, where both alleged non-state players and state agencies namely the ISI and the military over the decades allegedly have given support to terror groups.

Do you have it in You, General?

For Gen (Retd) V K Singh the assignment from PM Narendra Modi comes as an opportunity to prove his DEVELOPMENTAL works and diplomatic skills to play game changer in northeast. In Israel, the best creative brilliance is found in the Army, the former Indian army chief can now demonstrate his real grit. 

Amongst the many challenges faced by the Narendra Modi government amid a general mood of high expectations, understanding the core issues of northeast is certainly one. Cradled amidst the hilly wilds, the northeastern tip of our country is an ideal description of a mini-India. Even the diversity of a vast Indian sub-continent often appears only a humble submission as compared to distinctly different living styles of the tribals and the rest in the region - for more than one reason. Even within a state called Nagaland, the identity of Nagas refers more to “collective identity” as a 20^th century phenomenon because more than 17 tribes and sub-tribes have discovered themselves as a community hardly few decades back. A neo-community of Chakhesangs among Nagas has come only with merger of three clans Chakhros, Khejas and Sangtams.

Blogger and his daughter

There have been mutual suspicions and rivalries between tribes, clans and even confusion on historical background. It is therefore there are perhaps some connections on emergence of Naga-Kuki feud in 1990s or how Mizos still consider Kukis as belonging to their stock. The Ministry of Department of North East Region (DoNER) was created during the stint of Atal Behari Vajpayee by taking out the ‘north east cell’ from the Home Ministry. It was a well concerted decision established in September 2001 to function as the nodal Department of the Central Government to deal with matters related to the socio-economic development of the eight States of northeast.

The Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region (DoNER) is responsible for the matters relating to the planning, execution and monitoring of development schemes and projects of the 8 states.

That way, the ministry opened a new vista in helping to understand the developmental related problems of the region. The then Prime Minister Vajpayee had visionary plans about northeast and thus had initially entrusted the portfolio to a considered ‘performer’ Arun Shourie. On his part Shourie had started on a business like note and had even organised a North East Summit – a unique of its kind – called all Governors and Chief Ministers to Mumbai and tried to present a bonanza before industry captains to invest in northeast. But Vajpayee failed to keep the momentum as the DoNER portfolio was later on passed on a few well known non-performers. 

Naga rebel leaders Th Muivah and Isak Chishi Swu

Worse under UPA, despite the fact that the Prime Minister (Manmohan Singh) was an elected member from Assam, the DoNER almost lost its relevance.

The second Administrative Reforms Commission has even recommended for abolition of the DONER and relegating all its responsibility to Ministry of Home Affairs. 

In such an event it would be back to proverbial square one as for decades north east in general was under the control of ministry of Home Affairs.

But in his wisdom, new Prime Minister Modi, who campaigned tirelessly in the northeast, has tried to understand the ‘security’ as well as ‘foreign affairs’ elements vis-à-vis north east India. Therefore, he thought the DoNER ministry should be handed over to someone like Gen (Retd) V K Singh with independent charge of DoNER. Trying to take an out-of-box approach, Modi also made the retired General - a Minister of State to play second fiddle to External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj. Modi’s emphasis to take neighbouring South Asian countries into the strategy planning for resolving the problems of northeast is both unconventional and a path-breaking move.

Thus, much will bank on the retired General to display some persuasive skills with neighbouring countries like Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal and Myanmar in resolving lot many issues. Indian ultra gifts more often take shelters in neighbourhood.

For the General V K Singh (retd), who took over charge on May 29, the mandate is apparently clear from the Prime Minister that he has to work for the development of northeast, development infrastructure and industry. "Giving a face lift to cottage industries in the region and creating job opportunities for the youths will be among priority areas for the government," he told this writer minutes after taking charge.

"I have a plan for overall development of North East. We will try our best to address all the problems facing the region. There is tremendous amount of work to be done for the region," said the 63-year-old former army chief, who served also as GoC-In-C Eastern Command.

Mothers’ blind love for sons: Undoing of two Gandhis

This piece was also run by www.mattersindia.com

Finding similarities between Rahul and his uncle Sanjay Gandhi!

In one of the historic and most crystal clear mandate since 1984, the BJP was handed over a landslide victory. “Politicians would soon run out of adjectives to describe the election outcome….,” wrote my Editor, Ravindra Kumar, for ‘The Statesman’ in his piece the next day.

The ‘Modi wave’ – dismissed by Congress and other regional players like Mamata, Nitish and Lalu Prasad – and which personified the anti-incumbency anguish, swept aside many previous records.

The Congress decimation has turned out to be worst in its 129-year-old history and in the 17^th year of Sonia Gandhi’s career. Reduced to mere 44 just 7 seats more than Jayalalitha’s AIADMK and 10 seats more than Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress, normally, with any party by now the clamour should have grown on what would happen to the Congress President Sonia Gandhi and her son Rahul Gandhi. Efforts have been made to protect the dynasty. Likes of Divijay Singh got into actions. The family retainer or so, Manishankar Aiyar called Narendra Modi ‘Adolf Hitler’ hours before he took over as the Prime Minister.

It’s the same Mani who in January 2014 screamed at the peak of his voice that Modi cannot ever become Indian Prime Minister and that he was free to distribute tea at the AICC session.

Today, Congress leaders in isolation and in separate pockets making noises especially against Rahul Gandhi. Even Mizoram chief minister Lal Thanhawla, a Congressman of many years and a Christian himself, has lambasted the party leadership of the manner it has been handling the defeat.

His eloquent oneliners are more than the normal reactions from disgruntled Congressman.

Lal Thanhawla said the party “paid for its misdeeds” and it “does not know how to face defeat”. He added he has written to Sonia to refrain from blame-game in the party and rather introspect instead. “In that way, the defeat we faced is good for us,” he said.

Now where does this lead to? In my opinion, the Congress leaders’ disgruntlement is more against the Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi, whose ‘ability’ to deliver for the grand old party is now no longer a state secret.

An honest analysis of 2014 Mandate would make it amply clear that no single factor has contributed more to the downfall of Congress party in these elections than Rahul Gandhi and his flirting with failures.

As an ardent student of Indian elections, I find some similarity emerging between Rahul and his ‘illustrious’ uncle the Late Sanjay Gandhi though as personalities both are from diametrically different stocks.

So has Sonia Gandhi emulated her mother-in-law Indira Gandhi in displaying her unquestionable love for a son, who is today seen as a political liability?

 The hapless Kerala Congressman TH Mustafa’s unceremonious suspension is a case in point.

Old timers would vouch with me that on the eve of 1977 elections when Indira Gandhi was cautioned by her coterie members like P N Haksar and Subhadra Joshi, Indira’s response used to be: “Those who attack Sanjay attack me”.

If inside reports from AICC are to be believed, Sonia almost took the same line when at the parliamentary party meeting she pulled up Milind Deora for speaking out of line when the former South Mumbai MP did some plain speaking!

So does it bring us back to the agonizing tale of a mother’s blind for her son?

In 2012, Time magazine had written acidly, "Nobody really knows what he is capable of, nor what he wishes to do should he ever attain power and responsibility. The suspicion is growing that Mr (Rahul) Gandhi himself does not know”. 

Much ado about Modi-Sharif meeting!

(My take on first Namo-Nawaz Sharif interaction....
edited version also ran by Matters India website www.mattersindia.com)

Who is Narendra Modi or Nawaz Sharif in the context of 2014? How are these two individuals vital in the sub-continent for the ambitions and hopes that have been created for peace? Or the optimism will be destroyed by a mere photo opportunity, as has been cynically described by a Congress spokesman.
In role reversal, while BJP welcomed the initiatives to reach out to Pakistan, the Congress spokesman and the outgoing Information Minister chose to remind Modi-led regime that the saffron party’s established policy vis-à-vis Pakistan has that Talks and Terror cannot go together.

Does it mean, BJP has given up its anti-Pakistan stance? Or for that matter, where does Nawaz Sharif regime’s legitimacy stand in Pakistan today?
Not long ago, one would not be mistaken to say that in an ostrich-like fashion, to BJP took all the blame for Pakistan’s internal disturbance and terror strikes have been conveniently put on Pakistan. 
Islamabad too – either under civilian or under military dictator – has been pre-occupied for the greater part of its existence in a rather unequal contest with India. 
So presumably it is not wrong to say that the so called diplomatic coup by Narendra Modi long before he started is only media hype.

It also goes without saying that for long Indian foreign policy was treading a predictable path actually guided by the Nehruvian roadmap irrespective of whichever governments came to power.

Modi is known for taking out-of-the-box approaches. The massive mandate and the confidence rested by millions on Indians on him also implies that he continues to trust his instinct and avoid steps what run-of-the-mill types would have. Therefore, my understanding of Modi’s ‘Invite SAARC heads of nations’ is actually knocking at an window under which his government wants to ‘regain’ some of the ground lost in recent years in pursuing the Indian diplomatic path and guiding the national security policy. 

At the same time, Team Modi is cautious about the hype – knowing very well that the hype would only raise expectations. Modi could be sure of his numbers and his confidence, but he is perhaps not quite sure of Nawaz Sharif. How much will a Pakistani ruler deliver, especially the one who suffered an effortless coup in October 1999?

A master at symbolism, something perhaps he excels even better than Atal Behari Vajpayee, Modi wants to give out a message that his anti-Pakistan rhetoric and ‘Mia-Musharraf’ bashing were all political and has ended with elections. Now, he wants to be seen as someone who delivered. Peace with Pakistan, albeit temporarily or even a semblance of peace with Pakistan could be great booster for Modi’s international acceptability.

While Modi counseled by his select team of advisors is weighing a supposed win-win situation in the event the guest from Pakistan for the first time join the coronation of Hindutva icon-turned-development protagonist; Nawaz Sharif has his reasons to reach out to Modi. It was on this backdrop, Sharif made the first call to congratulate Narendra Modi for his electoral victory on May 16, 2014.

I had interviewed a liberal Pakistani writer, Mobarak Haider in March during his trip to Delhi on a private visit. According to Haider, also an author of best seller ‘Taliban: the Tip of a Holy Iceberg’, a sizeable section of “liberal Pakistanis” feel a “strong hardliner Indian government” can be a counter weight to growing Talibanism in Pakistan. “Many intellectuals and liberal Pakistanis think a strong Hindu hardliner government in Delhi (that is one headed by Modi) could be in Pakistan’s interest in its battle against Taliban”. But he also hastened to add that such a view is held by a “microscopic minority” as people are generally apprehensive of retaliation.

So far, Modi, even his detractors would admit, has made only right noises about his responsibility and the need to ensure inclusive development. This has given hopes to Nawaz Sharif, who is also a hardcore politician and someone well guided by the consideration of commerce. Therefore, Sharif too wants to make forward movement with India eyeing certain goals especially on two fronts – peace on strategic front and to promote trade and commerce. Pakistan economy is in doldrums and therefore it needs a vast market place like India.

Self with Mobarak Haider

There are a few compulsions also. In effect, there’s reason to believe that a Hindu hardliner regime in Delhi would pressurize Pakistan to understand that “for too long extremists were operating from Pakistani soil”. Thus, to check mate ‘exposure’ by India, Islamabad would be compelled to “squeeze” the Talibani network in Pakistan and prevent them from planning and executing attacks across the border. Now, it will not be erroneous to say that a ‘weak’ management of terror related matters by India in the last decade under Manmohan Singh has not only harmed India but possibly also Pakistan.  Perhaps even the Pakistani side realizes that there is need to fine tune its military and counter-terror doctrine. Therefore, perhaps, Haider puts it well, that Pakistan’s ‘new army doctrine’ for the first time in 65 years has shifted its focus from the eastern border to “internal enemy in the northwest”. “Although, the Pakistan army assures that we shall keep India as our Enemy No.1, yet the admission that the enemy within is more dangerous at the moment, may well prove to be a turning point in our history,” he says. 

It is also understandable that as Talibanisation poses a serious problem afflicting Pakistan. In fact, not long ago stepping up the pressure, the US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton did some plain speaking urging Pakistan to act immediately against the military groups and powerful Talibani network in Pakistan. “You can't keep snakes in your backyard and expect them only to bite your neighbours,” Clinton had told Pakistan.  On its part for long, India has been raising the issue of Pakistani elements aiding and abetting terrorism. But it is significant to note that now the US has also started talking on these matters. The Talibans are largely seen as responsible for cross-border strikes in Afghanistan and parts of Pakistan adding to the woes in the entire region. Modi has struck a good chord with Afghan ruler apparently, now he needs to create a personal harmony with Nawaz Sharif.