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Bangladesh may be on edge ... given Trump's dislike for Muhammad Yunus, the Biden administration-handpicked man for Dhaka from August 2024.
The current dispensation in Dhaka is seen as being close to Hillary Clinton.
The ties of many countries with the US for the next four years would be measured through the prism of Sino-US relations.
Trump is likely to view the interim government in Dhaka unfavorably owing to Yunus’ closeness with prominent Democrats, especially the Clintons.
Immediately after Trump’s election win over Hillary Clinton in 2016, Yunus, speaking at a conference in Paris, compared the result to “a solar eclipse,” adding that “Trump’s win has hit us so hard that… I could hardly speak. I lost all strength.” Such comments are unlikely to endear him to the famously thin-skinned Trump.
The US-Bangladesh factor is a crucial aspect for India as the involvement of Deep State has been talked about.
Trump is more pragmatic and transactional. The Biden administration has actively supported the interim government of Bangladesh under Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus, which was formed in the aftermath of the popular uprising of August.
Trump is unlikely to demonstrate similar levels of enthusiasm for the interim government, says an article in 'The Diplomat'.
"Trump’s US is expected to be vertically divided over gender rights, climate change and race relations besides a host of tricky hairpin bends on domestic and global policies," says a piece in Pakistani newspaper 'Dawn'.
During his first term, Trump pursued a protectionist economic policy, and that is likely to be replicated in his second term.
Since the United States is the single largest importer of Bangladesh’s primary export goods, ready-made garments (RMG), the possible imposition of tariffs and other non-tariff barriers on Bangladeshi products by the upcoming Trump administration is a serious potential challenge for Dhaka.
US policy towards Myanmar has been ineffectual, but the Trump administration has the chance to change it
The Trump administration has a meaningful opportunity to review and implement a more proactive and thereby effective strategy to bring about a peaceful end to the conflict in Myanmar and hasten the return of democracy.
Washington’s current Burma policy is premised on two misapprehensions. The first is that greater U.S. engagement will cross certain redlines in Beijing, risking a proxy war or at the very least prompting increased Chinese intervention. The second misconception is that refraining from becoming more involved and supporting an ASEAN-based diplomatic solution to the crisis is the best option for preventing Myanmar becoming a proxy for expanding Chinese influence in Southeast Asia.
Both misconceptions ignore the uncomfortable reality that Washington’s lack of involvement in the conflict has not prevented Chinese concerns that the opposition National Unity Government (NUG) is a U.S. proxy and that ethnic armed groups have grown too close to the West.
The U.S. Department of State’s 2022 Integrated Country Strategy for Burma states, “Our principal goal is to restore Burma’s path to inclusive democracy, which will enhance the country’s long-term stability and advance U.S. interests.” It also declares, “Through positive engagement with the people of Burma, we will mitigate coercive external influences and ensure the United States remains the partner of choice” (emphasis added).
Yet Beijing has incrementally expanded its support for the Myanmar military junta and is now actively intervening in Myanmar’s internal affairs to safeguard its own strategic and business interests.
Trump has surrounded himself with China hawks including Rep. Mike Waltz, his pick for national security advisor, Jacob Helberg, whom he has tapped to lead the State Department’s economic policy, and Sen. Marco Rubio as secretary of state.
Rubio has a strong record on human rights and is also seen as an institutionalist who is likely to use all of the levers of state available to him. He could work with colleagues on the Hill such as Sen. Todd Young, who used his position on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to pressure the SAC to restore democracy in Myanmar.
"There is as yet no information on who will fill influential Southeast Asia-related posts. However, the president-elect’s advisers will almost certainly advocate a confrontational approach toward China, and that might extend to taking the fight to Beijing’s backyard, including Myanmar," says a piece in stimson.org.
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