Nothing is permanent except Change !
This will guide or rather 'have to guide' the proponents of Hindutva politics in the near future.
The acclaimed and well accepted 'One Party-One Nation' kind of theorem has exposed its own limitations. A section of Sanghparivar intellectuals and ideologues feel "concentration of power" in one or two hand(s) were never the desired goal of an organisation like the Rashtraiya Sawemsevak Sangh.
It is well known that through its network of "shakhas", the RSS builds an ideological atmosphere that is favorable to Hindutva and its affiliated organizations.
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was just a project -- rather one of the many projects of the Nagpur-based mega body ...
and the RSS certainly has the potentials to create "numerous forms of BJP".
Should such an experiment start from Gujarat?
The Lotus party is in power since March 1998. Narendra Modi had replaced RSS-old hand and senior colleague Keshubhai Patel on Oct 7, 2001.
In 2017 as the polls came close on the heels of GST implementation; the BJP faced a stiff competition and its tally was brought down below 100. It was a close fight and Narendra Modi's personal appeal saved the say. The fact that anti incumbency factor will grow is a political reaility.
Of course, the BJP did extremely well in 2022. But a principal take away of Gujarat assembly elections 2022 was that the Congress was marginalised and somehow the AAP also could not put up a good show.
Now, the theory in circulation and not without good reason is that this is not a recent realisation. In fact, certain strategies were drawn in 2004-05 -- within months the Vajpayee government lost power to the resurgent Congress-led UPA.
One thing was clear for RSS ideologues that the developmental politics had limitations electorally. Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee did not loss the 2004 polls (BJP's campaign line was India Shining) due to performance issue. It lost due to 'narrow domestic walls' of Indian politics.
The caste and Hindu-Muslim divide were played up more than accepted and surprisingly people seemed to have endorsed such campaign and rewarded parties such as Samajwadi Party and RJD in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar respectably.
The all-male RSS, the most powerful of India's Hindu nationalist groups, has often been accused of practicing a divisive ideology especially against Muslims --, which it denies.
Founded in 1925 by medico Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, the RSS, seen as the ideological fountainhead of the country's ruling political party, the BJP, has become the most influential organisation in the country.
While it says it is not a political organisation, the RSS plays a seminal role in Indian politics due to its ideology and connection to the BJP. (BBC)
Overwhelming number of RSS volunteers are supporters of the BJP and most key leaders take pride in association with the Sangparivar fountainhead.
PM Narendra Modi joined the RSS as a pracharak (bachelor campaigner) when he was a young man.
Likes of Vajpayee, L K Advani, M M Joshi and many more were RSS associates.
Hence, it is not without good reasons that the PM praised the organisation on the Independence Day (100 years of RSS) and later released a special commemorative stamp and coin to mark the solemn occasion at an event in Delhi.
In its centenary year; the pan-Hindutva force is not only the "real strength" being India's muscular Prime Minister Narendra Modi; it also stands stronger than ever.
Reputed website 'The Diplomat' commented cryptically -
"It was not an exaggeration when Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during his Independence Day speech on August 15, called the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) the “world’s largest NGO.” It was rather an understatement."
The argument being the RSS is not only the ideological fountainhead for the RSS -- it controls a massive network of hundreds of organisations of different scale and size.
The organisations are into health service to skill development and also education. It is also claimed that with 'no formal links' on paper -- the RSS operates on a range of issues in different parts of the United States and also Europe.
The issue here is different. The RSS and the BJP have "expanded" their reach in states such as Goa and in the northeastern region where there are substantial Christians.
In another eastern Indian state of Odisha; the BJP is in power in now.
The RSS has a history of "promoting its ideology" no doubt but in Odisha, it has been careful not to create a rift with the regional "cult" of Lord Jagannath.
Of Course, the state is a Hindu majority and there were some tribals and Christians and microscopic segments of Muslims - hence the BJP has able to come to power in 2024. But it took years of hard work and careful planning to oust the aging Naveen Patnaik-led Biju Janata Dal. Take another example.
The Lokpal Bill agitation in 2011 spearheaded by Anna Hazare and supported by his onetime lieutenants Arvind Kejriwal and Kiran Bedi was also backed "heavily" by the RSS and their strong anti-Congress support base. The problem lay elsewhere. Kejriwal grew over ambitious, abandoned even so-called soft Hindutva and started confronting Narendra Modi at personal level on daily basis.
Apparently, a section of RSS backed Kejriwal's "initial rounds" of anti-Modi tweets and rhetoric. But his hobnobbing with parties such as the RJD and later compromising on the issue of financial defalcation brought him down.
The AAP was also a good experiment for RSS at the regional level and this experience may help them draw up strategies in future.
Today in 2025 -- certain reports indicate the RSS is exploring new strategies, including supporting regional parties and also floating new ones to expand its Hindutva ideology and zero-compromise nationalism.
This is being attempted especially in states where the BJP seems to have a 'limitation' of growth and faces multiple challenges. This approach would probably supplement its longstanding practice of operating through BJP networks.
In regions with complex political landscapes, say Maharashtra and even Jharkhand, the RSS will use grassroots outreach to discuss government schemes and Hindutva issues.
This strategy - the ideologues think - may help to overcome local political factionalism. In certain states for various reasons - voters are nationalists but they may prefer regional faces like the JMM and Soren family in Jharkhand.
Here a neo-regionalism may prove helpful.
The 2024 UP debacle for Team Modi and the BJP was a case - which many say - was result of BJP's over confidence and bad distribution of tickets. In contrast to the Uttar Pradesh - that sends 80 MPs -- the BJP did extremely well in Odisha and Madhya Pradesh.
Reports suggest the RSS engagement was full steam in these two states.
** Various analyses suggest - BJP's ticket distribution whenever done via RSS feedback - the strike rate is generally very good.
One reason for this is - RSS leaders operate without applying emotional yardsticks. There is no 'my men or not my men' theory. Merits count and feedback is generally honest and genuine.
In UP - the ticket distribution and 'over confidence' on Modi face was so much that the BJP even lost the seat which houses Ayodhya.
Thus - this perception is growing that the RSS can play the due role while supporting and even creating new regional parties.
Things are still at early stages - as they put it.
There are about six million people working in Assam’s tea gardens. And they decide the fate of 2026 assembly elections where the fight is intensifying between ruling BJP and the principal opposition Congress.
Extra Info: RSS outreach in foreign countries
The RSS operates in various countries under the name of Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (HSS) – its overseas wing.
In Singapore, Malaysia, and Myanmar, -- reports say the RSS is registered as Vivekanand Sewa Sangh,
Hindu Sewa Sangam,
and Sanatan Dharma Swayamsevak Sangh, respectively.
RSS affiliates such as the VHP, Sewa Bharati (SB), Ekal Abhiyan have noteworthy presence in Nepal, the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, and South Africa.
There will be ample necessities for the RSS to work for states such as Gujarat, Karnataka, Rajasthan, Maharastra and also provinces like Punjab and West Bengal.
ends
No comments:
Post a Comment