Friday, January 29, 2021

How long will India celebrate its secular constitution?

With Indian polity increasingly focusing on Hindu cultural nationalism, is the secular constitution under threat ? 

Are common people really happy under the Modi administration? Various sections of people, including religious minorities and farmers and teachers in some states, are unhappy with the way things are progressing. Still, an independent media survey by India Today said nearly 72 percent of Indians are happy with the government of Modi, whose policies, of course, have been largely revolving around building up a Hindu-only nation.

It is 72 years since India promulgated its secular-democratic constitution. The nation observed the anniversary on Jan. 26, just as in previous years, with a military parade in New Delhi. But an uneasy disquiet continues across the country. 

 Over the years, the parade added cultural tableaux from its provinces. Uttar Pradesh state's cultural tableau this year displayed the model of the Ram temple being built in Ayodhya town at a spot where an ancient mosque stood until 1992 when Hindu radicals demolished it. 

The temple has political connotations for Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has vowed to turn India into a nation of Hindu hegemony. The pro-Hindu party came to the national mainstream promising the temple in Ayodhya, their Hindu Lord Ram's birthplace.



Almost three decades after the demolition of the mosque, a major BJP promise is getting fulfilled. The government proudly displayed it at the parade celebrating the anniversary of the nation's secular constitution. That's the growth of Indian democracy! True to the character of any democracy, there is a paradox in India's polity today. While the Modi government returned to power in 2019 with an enhanced mandate and his BJP winning provincial polls, the country is gradually turning into a grieving and protesting nation.

However, the government's performance has done little to create jobs and ensure overall calm, amity and harmony. For the last two years, protests have been  happening around important national days.

During the last Republic Day, it was agitation against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), which is perceived to be discriminating against Muslims. This time the angry lot are the farmers.

Farmers across India are on the warpath against the government's three contentious farm laws. Thousands of farmers from two agrarian states — Punjab and Haryana — have been demonstrating near New Delhi since Nov. 26.

The protesting farmers laid siege to the national capital in a violent show of strength. The riot killed a farmer and injured more than 100 police personnel. Delhi police permitted farmers to have a tractor rally on Republic Day but the protesters deviated from permitted routes and sensitive places including the iconic Red Fort. Police resistance turned them violent.



The government enacted new farming laws in September 2020, purportedly to reform the sector. But farmers and opposition leaders say the laws are meant to help big companies exploit the poor and should be repealed. The violence came after several rounds of negotiations between the government and the agitating farmers' bodies had failed. 


The farmers' rally on Republic Day also highlighted a darker side of Indian politics and governance. At least 60 widows of farmers who committed suicide in Maharashtra participated in the agitation.

According to government data, an average of 14,000 farmers committed suicide each year between 1995 and 2015 to escape debt and poverty because of farm failures. Modi's government came to power in 2014 promising action to help farmers, but since 2015 it has stopped publishing the data about farmer suicides. That's an effective way to tackle the issue in a democracy!

In some states, even teachers are unhappy. In the northeastern state of Tripura, thousands of "dismissed" teachers have protested for the last two months after a court verdict rendered some 10,000 jobless. Several tribal teachers, including some Christians, have committed suicide out of desperation.

Bhagaban Das, a BJP lawmaker, said the teachers should not blame the government. He said the state's former communist government appointed them through a faulty policy and a Supreme Court order nullified the appointments.

"The protests against the BJP are politically motivated as opposition parties feel threatened by the good performance of the Modi government," he maintained.

Others say the BJP leadership is indifferent to people's agony as Modi wants to establish dictatorial rule. It is palpable that the rise of Hindu nationalism in the six years since Modi came to power has left Indian Muslims and Christians nervous and worried.

The main apprehension among religious minority leaders and a section of left-liberals has been that the BJP could change the constitution to discard its secular character and the parliamentary system. This fear is not new.


In the 1990s, Modi's mentor and veteran BJP leader L.K. Advani, a former deputy prime minister, floated the idea of a presidential form of government. Advani said the Indian constitution required a "fresh look." The new Modi regime has been functioning more in a presidential form where Modi is the ultimate and only boss.




There has been a raging debate over allegations that the government has made subtle attempts to subvert constitutional bodies such as the poll panel and Supreme Court to meet its ends.

The government has pursued such an agenda, and on Aug. 5, 2019, it abrogated Article 370 of the constitution that gave guaranteed autonomy to Muslim-majority Jammu and Kashmir state.

In November 2019, the Supreme Court gave a mandate allowing the temple construction in Ayodhya, a move that certainly displeased Muslims.

BJP leaders in their election campaign always include temple visits and public prayers, accusing opposition parties and critics of being anti-Hindu. That has also resulted in Congress and other opposition leaders visiting temples, putting up a show for the media. The evaluation of secularism in India!

As political history progresses in India, the major question is this: how long will India's secular constitution remain intact, guaranteeing freedom of religion and expression to all citizens. That causes disquiet in many Indian minds.

(UCAN News, Jan 27, 2021)

Congress and other opposition leaders including likes of Mamata Banerjee visiting temples to put on a show for the media. 


Many say often Indian communists have shown tendency to play up religious card to woo voters. Notwithstanding protest, the Modi Government's grip on Indian politics remains undiluted.

ends 

Master strategist Modi woos Indian Christians by meeting cardinals

New Delhi witnessed vintage politics when Prime Minister Narendra Modi met three Indian cardinals this week, but it went off more as a photo opportunity without any debated content.

For Modi and his pro-Hindu Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Jan. 19 meeting was a sure piece of material to woo Christians in some key states where elections are due this summer.

At face value, Modi inviting and having an exclusive meeting with India's most senior Catholic leaders — Cardinal Oswald Gracias of the Latin-rite Church, Cardinal George Alencherry, major archbishop of the Syro-Malabar Church, and Cardinal Baselios Cleemis of the Syro-Malankara Church — denotes Modi and the BJP re-establishing strong links with Christians.

The BJP and Modi have been facing criticism for ignoring Christian interests amid reports of increased anti-Christian violence and harassment from Hindu fanatic elements, particularly in northern India.  

The meeting’s timing can easily link it to the fast-approaching state elections in the southern state of Kerala, where Christians are important stakeholders.



Numerically, Christians form some 18 percent of the state’s 33 million people. But in several constituencies, they are strong enough to turn the tables in favor of the BJP, which currently has only one seat in the 140-seat legislative house.


Hindus in Kerala, who form 55 percent of the state's population, have mostly voted for either left-wing parties or the BJP's national rival Congress. In the highly secularized state, the BJP hardly had any base until five years ago.


Kerala's political landscape began to change after Modi came to power in New Delhi in 2014, and particularly after his re-election in 2019. Emboldened by the BJP victory at national level and in several states, the party's state unit has been trying to befriend Christians.

In the last decade, the BJP has succeeded in winning sympathizers, politically and emotionally, among Kerala Hindus. With the backing of Christians, the BJP leadership hopes to gain politically. Politics, of course, is the art of the possible. The dice's throw, such as the cardinals' meeting, can often have consequences that are not easily visible. But master electoral strategists such as Modi can see what the cardinals cannot see.


The ruling BJP's chief electoral planners, Modi himself and his trusted lieutenant Amit Shah, the combative federal home minister, know well that the meeting with the cardinals can send a strong positive message to Kerala Christians.

The ruling dispensation in Kerala, led by the communists, depends on Hindu and Christian votes. The rivals are the Congress party and its partner Indian Union of Muslim League, a Muslim party.

Modi's BJP does not have much organizational presence in Kerala. Modi has been one of the most ambitious prime ministers of modern India, and his stint in New Delhi had seen a massive expansion of the BJP. The party has managed to marginalize opponents and wrest power in several states, including Christian-majority Nagaland and Meghalaya.

The cardinals reportedly discussed several issues at the meeting with Modi. But one of them will certainly stand out during election time in Kerala. The cardinals sought equitable distribution of social welfare funds meant for religious minorities such as Christians and Muslims, complaining that Muslims take away the lion's share.

The BJP, which looks to pitch Hindus and Christians against Muslims in Kerala, has a tool here. Between 2001 and 2011, Muslims increased from 24.7 percent to 26.5 percent of the state’s population, while Christians declined from 19 percent to 18.3 percent and Hindus from 56.2 percent to 54.7 percent.

It is important to note that the meeting with the cardinals happened at the initiative of S. Sreedharan Pillai, a Kerala BJP leader and current governor of Christian-dominated Mizoram state.

The BJP is clearly trying to woo Christians in Kerala amid criticism of the party unleashing a highly polarizing mission to establish a Hindu-only nation.

During election campaigns, the BJP softens its belligerent stand on religious conversion or cow slaughter with a keen eye not to offend Christians and Muslims. And many fall for it.

"One can call such Christians and Muslims political Hindus. They are useful during elections, and in the past Christians have embraced the BJP in states like Nagaland and Mizoram. Overall, they fit in with Modi's definition of a Hindu nation," says a Mizo Christian politician on condition of anonymity.

"In a narrow perspective, the Hindu nation concept is a highly personalized one in which Modi becomes a cult and a macho leader who pledges a strong and richer India."

Modi has befriended Christian leaders in the past, sometimes bringing electoral dividends. The BJP runs a coalition government in Nagaland, where native Naga Christian leader Y. Patton is the state’s deputy chief minister.


In Mizoram, too, on the eve of 2018 assembly polls, several Christian leaders, including former pastors, joined the BJP.


In Kerala, Modi made Catholic former bureaucrat K.J. Alphons a minister in 2017. Of course, in 2019, after he started a second term as prime minister, his mega 58-member Council of Ministers did not find a berth for any Christian leader.


It is now given that Kerala BJP leaders are going gaga over Modi's latest meeting with the cardinals. They project the meeting as proving Modi's keen interest in addressing the issues of the Christian community.


In 2015, a year after the prime minister took charge, Modi was strongly criticized for not speaking out against the Delhi attacks on churches or the “reconversions” of Christians to Hinduism.


It is also not much discussed that in 2017 Pope Francis had expressed interest in visiting India but the visit did not materialize as the BJP-led government chose not to invite him.


Generally, the BJP's election strategies have yielded dividends, notwithstanding the growing perception that the party has been against Christian and Muslim interests.


Modi and his party have brought methods and effective planning in drawing up election strategies. Wooing Christians is perhaps one of such many strategies. The cardinals’ meeting with Modi should be seen from this perspective. However, there is no reason to lambast the cardinals or accuse them of helping a political game.


If the BJP and Modi himself were working on a plan, the cardinals were in a difficult position. Could they have said no to an invitation from the prime minister? What purpose would it have served?


It is almost impossible to block Modi’s strategies.

ends

Friday, January 22, 2021

In congratulatory missive to Kamala Harris, Modi hopes to boost India-US ties

New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi has congratulated Kamala Harris on assumption of office as Vice President of the United States of America and termed the momentous occasion as 'historic'. In a tweet, the Prime Minister said "Congratulations to @KamalaHarris on being sworn-in as @VP. It is a historic occasion. Looking forward to interacting with her to make India-USA relations more robust. The India-USA partnership is beneficial for our planet." In a missive, Mr Modi has also congratulated new US President Joe Biden. "I look forward to working with him to strengthen the India-US Strategic partnership," the Prime Minister wrote. The US presidential election and subsequent move by Biden to field Kamala Harris as the Vice President candidate had triggered unusual debate on the geo-political landscape in India. In fact, Some sections of the media say the nomination of Kamala Harris, whose mother is a migrant Indian, as the Democrats’ vice president candidate did sway substantial votes of Asian Americans against Republican President Donald Trump. The nomination of 56-year-old Harris as Joe Biden’s running mate was also seen in some quarters as the “blossoming of the American lotus,” giving it a pro-Hindu tint. Of course, the name Kamala in Sanskrit means lotus and the lotus is also the electoral symbol of BJP. Kamala Harris is the daughter of cancer biologist Shyamala Gopalan, who had migrated from the southern Indian city of Chennai. Her father is a Jamaican migrant. In her maternal grandfather's hometown of Thulasendrapuram, about 350 kilometers from Chennai people rejoiced Kamala taking charge as the US Vice President. During the tenure of both Mr Modi and Mr Trump, the India-US relations have improved manifold. The question now is, will the new dispensation in Washington would take the bilateral relationship to a new height and whether it would also make things tougher for Islamic forces and some of its power centres like Pakistan? It also remains to be seen how the American government's policy toward immigrants and Muslims will now move forward. Meanwhile, the new White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki has said that President Joe Biden respects and values the "long bipartisan relationship" of America with India. "President (Joe) Biden, who of course has visited India many times, respects and values the long bipartisan successful relationship between leaders in India and the United States. It looks forward to a continuation of that," Psaki said. ends

Monday, January 18, 2021

Irked by Suvendu's exit, Mamata to contest from Nandigram

Irked by Suvendu's exit, Mamata to contest from Nandigram Nirendra Dev Nandigram/New Delhi: Pushed to the corner after desertion by 'son of the soil' Suvendu Adhikari, Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee on Monday, Jan 18, made the big announcement that she would contest the forthcoming assembly polls from Nanigram. "Nandigram is lucky for me...," she said at a party rally days after Suvendu Adhikari, a former Minister and prominent local face in Nandigram, quit her outfit and joined the resurgent BJP. "Ami Nandigram theke daraley kemon hoe (How will you respond if I contest from Nandigram ?)," she said. Fourteen people were killed in 2007 in clashes between protesters against an SEZ project in Nandigram, cleared by the erstwhile Left Front government. Ms Banerjee subsequently crafted a well planned "Ma, Maati, Manush" (Mother, Motherland and people) campaign around that incident and could oust the CPI-M led communist coalition in 2011. Mamata's announcement is being billed as a 'gamechanger' but the BJP, the Congress and the CPI-M have termed her announcement as a move to flee Bhawanipore, the seat she represented earlier. "Bhawanipore is my elder sister, Nandigram is also my sister. I will contest from both the constituencies as my movement started from Nandigram itself," said the Chief Minister, who is facing the onslaught of the BJP that has enhanced his vote share to 40 per cent just three per cent less than Trinamool Congress in 2019. However, she said at Bhawanipore, her party will field a good candidate indicating that she may not contest from there. Congress floor leader in Lok Sabha, Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury said Mamata's move is admission of her losing ground in Kolkata and in her original constituency of Bhawanipore. Bhawanipore is a typical urban constituency and Trinamool Congress has lately lost ground in the state and more in urban pockets. "We will spring a big surprise in Bhawanipore," a local BJP leader Samik Bhattacharya said. Congress leader Abdul Mannan and CPI-M leader Sujan Chakraborty said Mamata's decision reflect her 'nervousness' at Bhawanipore. BJP leader Sovan Chatterjee, also a turncoat from Mamata'a own party, said her move only shows that she has lost ground at Bhawanipore and in Kolkata. "This is the beginning of defeat," he said. Of course, Chief Minister's move will be a direct challenge to Suvendu Adhikari, who has reportedly promised perhaps at least 30 seats from the region to the saffron party's kitty. Suvendu's exit from Trinamool show an exodus of Trinamool leaders to the BJP and the development has certainly left the Trinamool camp leaking its wounds. Suvendu Adhikari is son of former Union Minister Sisir Adhikari, who is also a sitting lawmaker in the Lower House of Parliament. Suvendu’s brother Dibyendu (43) is also an elected MP representing Tamluk constituency and Adhikaris wield enough influence across the region. ends

Sunday, January 17, 2021

We are "deeply committed" to solving the problem, says NSCN (IM)

The NSCN(IM) has hardened its stand yet again on the issues of Flag and Constitution, but said the militant group is committed to solving the age-old insurgency problem.


In a statement, the NSCN(IM) said: "We believe no problem is too big or too hard to solve if it is tackled through mutual trust and respect by the parties involved. This problem cannot be left to be solved by time or left to be exploded. That will be too costly".

Speculation is rife in various quarters that the Government of India may take up the Naga peace deal during the forthcoming Budget session of Parliament that would get underway later this month.

There is of course a reconciliatory tone in the NSCN(IM) statement - "We don’t see room for fighting between the two parties as of now."

It also said - "there is no war situation herein Nagaland now". Last year, military operations were launched to keep the disturbing law and order situation in the state under control.

Maintaining that some of the past agreements between Naga groups and the Government of India have failed as they were not inked based on basic 'Naga issues', the NSCN (IM) in its Jan 17 statement also  said - "If this second chance is missed again, government of India and NSCN will be answerable to the peoples of both parties and the generations to come in particular and to the peoples of the world in general". 

Speculation is rife in various quarters that the Government of India may take up the Naga peace deal during the forthcoming Budget session of Parliament that would get underway later this month.

While NSCN (IM), which is in parleys since 1997, had signed a Framework Agreement on August 3, 2005 with the peace interlocutor R N Ravi; another deal Preamble Agreement with Naga militant groups operating within the state of Nagaland was signed on November 17, 2017. There is some latent rivalry between NSCN(IM) and NNPG, the umbrella group of various Naga groups.


These have made the peace process complex though the parleys is at final stage. 

There have been a series of clash and harsh press statements between Nagaland Governor R N Ravi and the NSCN (IM) since last few months and obviously the issues of Flag and Constitution as raised by the NSCN(IM) has delayed the peace process so far.

In the meantime, veteran S C Jamir, former Nagaland Chief Minister and who also served as Governor in Goa, Maharashtra, Odisha and Gujarat, directed his tirade against "some people who were nowhere to be seen" during formative years in the 1960s were now "unrealistically muddying the fountainhead". 

The reference is to the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-Isak Muivah) faction. The militant group NSCN (IM), which is in parleys with the Government of India since 1997, said last year "For the Nagas, the creation of Nagaland state as a result of manipulation and treachery has been recorded as an act of insult to the freedom fighters in particular and to the Naga people in general".

The strong statement comes close on the heels of a rather unusual but assertive statement from the state Governor R N Ravi, who in his Statehood Day (Dec 1, 2020) message , had said "Nagaland state is an abiding testimony to the triumph of the politics of peace over the politics of bloodshed".



Last week yet again old warhorse Jamir wrote an opinion piece in local papers stating that - "The fundamental issue for Phizo (founding father of Naga movement) and the NNC under him was the sovereignty of Nagaland, and not necessarily the accompanying paraphernalia of flag and Constitution that gave distinctive identity to their perceived sovereign nation. The logic as we understand is that an independent sovereign nation has its own national flag and national Constitution."

In other words, Jamir had sought to make light of the twin issues of separate Naga Flag and Constitution.

Of course, no government in Delhi worth its salt can give away these two fundamental aspects especially on the backdrop of hardline nationalism pushed by the Narendra Modi government. In fact, the BJP-led government in 2019 abrogated Article 370 that had given some special powers to the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir.

Now on Jan 17, 2021, Sunday, the NSCN (IM) in their statement renewed the demands rather hardening the stance. It insists - "the Indo-Naga conflict is political not military or domestic problem of India".

"Nagas are not begging for sovereignty from India. Nagas are also a sovereign people. Sovereignty is not a commodity," the statement runs adding, "The Nagas are not asking for a flag from India or others. Recognize it or not, the Nagas too have their own national flag. Naga flag is the symbol of their recognized unique entity and sovereignty. Nagas are not praying to India for a constitution. The Nagas too have their own constitution called Yehzabo, the foundation and source of their laws through which they have been running their own government for centuries".

However, there is no denying that the NSCN(IM) is also in a complex situation and faces some pressure to bring in peace.

Not long ago, former Mizoram Governor Swaraj Kaushal, who was negotiator in Naga peace talks in 1998, has said that the NSCN(IM) was not being 'realistic' by raising the issues of Flag and Constitution and thus should not press for these. 

Last year, NNPG convener N Kitovi Zhimomi has said more than once that the conglomerate is ready to sign a peace pact with the centre "anytime".

He has also spoken against the idea of Naga militants (that would obviously include NSCN -IM) going back to jungles if the talks fail or get detailed and said -- “The general notion that is infused into Naga society is that ‘If the talks fail, we go back to jungles’. This is easier said. The resultant of this move would be disastrous to our Naga brothers and their families". 

Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphio Rio, state's longest serving Chief Minister, has for his part tried to drive home the point that any solution to Naga insurgency should be worked out "under the spirit of mutual respect and commitment for peaceful co-existence".

ends 


Friday, January 15, 2021

Phizo wanted Naga freedom, never highlighted for 'separate' flag or Constitution : Jamir

 

                 A PASSING Coup d’oeil at THE NAGA POLITICAL MOVEMENT

                                                                                                   S C Jamir

                                                                                Former Chief Minister & Governor



Before the advent of Christianity and British rule, living as our forefathers had been, mostly confined to their own respective and exclusive village lives, often preoccupied with inter-village internecine headhunting, the first formal articulation of a common Naga political aspiration was the Memorandum submitted to the Simon Commission on January 10, 1929.

It was, however, the formation of the Naga National Council (NNC) in 1946, with T Aliba Imti as President and T Sakhrie as Secretary that gave to the Naga political movement a common umbrella and springboard, a Naga institution meant for all Nagas and revered by all. It was the NNC that proclaimed to India and the world the existence of the Nagas as a people bound together by blood, race and geography, seeking and aspiring for a common homeland with a shared political destiny as a free and sovereign people. Thus on August 14, 1947, one day ahead of India’s independence, the NNC under President T Aliba Imti declared independence of the Nagas as a free people.

The Nine-Point Agreement signed between the NNC and Sir Akbar Hydari, Governor of Assam in June 1947 was the first political agreement signed between the Nagas and the Government of India, which in effect was an explicit recognition by the Government of India of the uniqueness of the Naga way of life and of the Nagas’ unique polity arrangements.

Another important milestone in the Naga political journey was the plebiscite of May 16, 1951, organized and conducted by the NNC under A Z Phizo’s president ship. Through the Plebiscite, the Naga people had given their whole-hearted mandate to the NNC to secure a separate Naga homeland.                                                                                                                                                                           

The NNC had started as a peaceful, mass people’s political movement, but by 1955, ideological differences, between what might be called the moderates who believed in solution to the Naga political issue through peaceful means, and the extremists who believed in resorting to arms and violent means, became almost irreconcilable. The split between the two conflicting and diametrically opposite ideologies of war and peace perhaps became complete with the kidnapping, torture and brutal killing of T Sakhrie, a highly gifted intellectual and a staunch believer in political solution through peaceful means, in January, 1956 ~ not by the Indian Security force ~ but by his own people.

Phizo’s vision and commitment was for a free and sovereign Nagaland. He did not have to, and never indeed highlighted specifically, for a separate flag or Constitution since these were natural attributes of a free and independent nation. 

Formation of Hongking or Federal Government of Nagaland (NFG) on September 18, 1954 was another Naga political movement milestone for the NNC under Phizo’s leadership, and it was only natural that they would, and indeed did, have their Naga flag as a national symbol and a national Yehzabo or Constitution for running the affairs of the Naga nation. The fundamental issue for Phizo and the NNC under him was the sovereignty of Nagaland, and not necessarily the accompanying paraphernalia of flag and Constitution that gave distinctive identity to their perceived sovereign nation. The logic as we understand is that an independent sovereign nation has its own national flag and national Constitution. But the picture is totally different compared to Phizo’s movement. 


The two agreements signed consciously and formally by representatives of the underground leaders and the GOI’s Interlocutor namely, the Framework Agreement of August 3, 2015 which was published in all the local dailies so also the Preamble Agreement of November 17, 2017 which was widely circulated are now very much under public domain. Both sovereignty and Integration do not figure in any of the agreements.   

The actual start in the mid-1950s of armed confrontation to secure the Naga political aspiration as an independent and sovereign Naga homeland quickly spiraled into a tumultuous era of unspeakable trauma and suffering for the Naga people. As violence, bloodshed and an unbridled  reign of terror and hell’s mayhem were let loose, the Naga public, especially the villagers, were caught helplessly between the proverbial devil and the sea with no escape route. On the one hand, the Indian Security forces indulged in heinous acts of harassments, torture, killings, rapes, and torching of villages and granaries down to ashes. Entire villages were uprooted and grouped together by herding them like cattle into concentration camps. Even Churches were not spared from being desecrated into platforms of lust and unlawful confinement of the worshippers. With their granaries gone in smoke, some villagers who escaped the Indian Army’s dragnet roamed the jungles like wild animals surviving on wild jungle leaves and roots. On the other hand, the Naga armed undergrounds started to hunt for their own brethren, mostly on mere suspicion of alleged collaboration with the Indian state, kidnapped, tortured and killed them. Even today, the hands of many Naga national workers are reeking with the innocent blood of their own brethren. As the armed conflict continued, thousands of precious Naga lives were lost. This indeed was a tragic era in Naga history when normal life, including education for the children of the day, came to a grinding halt.

Another sorry part of this saga of human tragedy was that whatever was happening to the Nagas was totally blanketed in silence and the outside world knew nothing of the goings-on in the Naga territories. Should this insanity be allowed to continue, the Nagas as a people faced the imminent danger of total annihilation. The choice was between survival and annihilation as a people. Also, the issue raised was, do we remain submerged as an obscure district in Assam, being helplessly sandwiched between the inhuman operations of the Indian security forces and the reckless diktats of the armed undergrounds, or should we come out in the open, even at the risk of our own lives, to air our views to the Government of India and the outside world for attainment of the Naga political aspirations through dialogue and peaceful means? It was in the midst of those tumultuous and tragic circumstances that some Naga leaders, from different tribes, came forward and through their collective wisdom, the Naga People’s Convention (NPC) was formed and 3 conventions held ~ at Kohima in August 1957, at Ungma in May 1958 and at Mokokchung in October 1959. Historical records will show that the attendance and response from the Naga public in all the 3 conventions were large and enthusiastic, representing all the tribes from the then Naga Hills and Tuensang Frontier Division. In the first convention, for instance, the total tribal representatives were 1763, with an additional around 2000 observers.

The first outcome of the NPC’s efforts was the integration that took place between the then Naga Hills and Tuensang Frontier Division by the Naga Hills-Tuensang Area Act, 1957, with effect from December 1, 1957, and a complete break-away from Assam. In the final negotiation between the NPC’s representatives and the Prime Minister of India, the NPC was represented by a team of 18 Naga negotiators from 11 tribes, leading to formal inauguration of the creation of the state of Nagaland on December 1, 1963. In the 16-Point Memorandum that the NPC had unanimously adopted in its 3rd Mokokchung convention and accepted by the Government of India, some of the special features were: (i) the State of Nagaland was put under the External Affairs Ministry; (ii) Article 371(A) became part of the special protective provisions accorded specifically to Nagaland; (iii) special funding provision from the Consolidated Fund of India was made; (iv) provision was made for re-transfer of Reserved Forests from Assam to Nagaland; (v) Provision was given  for integration of contiguous Naga inhabited areas; (vi) formation of a separate Naga Regiment was included, and so on. It may be noted that the negotiation took place directly with the Prime Minister of India and the agreement was signed on his behalf by the Foreign Secretary of India.

The armed conflict still continued. Through the tireless efforts of Nagaland Baptist Church Council, a much longed for Ceasefire was brought into effect on the midnight of September 5, 1964. This was wholeheartedly supported and welcomed by the Nagaland State, the Churches and the entire Naga public. In the Peace Mission apart from Jayaprakash and BB Chaliha, Chief Minister of Assam, Rev. Michael Scott, a British Citizen, was included in it.  It may be noted that the State Government, led by P Shilu Ao, fully supported and voiced for a final honourable and acceptable solution to the Naga political issue. After the Ceasefire of 1964 was brought into effect, as Parliamentary Secretary to Shri Pandit Jawharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister, and being a Member of Parliament, I  had the privilege to accompany Mr Gundevia, Foreign Secretary of India, for the first meeting at Chedima with the leaders of the Naga Federal Government to initiate commencement of political dialogue. The level of talk was at the highest level because the Federal Government of Nagaland was mandated by the plebiscite.

Of the 6 rounds of political negotiations that took place at Delhi between the NFG leaders and Mrs. Indira Gandhi, the Prime Minister in 1968, provided a golden opportunity to resolve the long standing Naga political problem to the utmost satisfaction to both the Nagas and the Government of India. With an open mind, the Indian Prime Minister offered to the Naga delegation maximum autonomy but at this crucial and critical time one of the members within the delegation started conspiring to derail the talk purely based on narrow tribal prejudice. If the Tenyimi National Workers’ Forum is trying to point finger on the conspirator here was the real conspirator very much within the fold of the delegation in the last round of talks between the Naga Federal Government and the Prime Minister of India. This best possible golden opportunity offered by the Prime Minister was aborted due to their internal conspiracy and discord within the Naga delegation itself. What followed thereafter was a catastrophe in the Naga political movement. The organization was split vertically into Federal Group and Revolutionary Group, followed by more betrayals, and the backbone of the NNC was fatally fractured.

The much maligned Shillong Accord of 1975, now dead, was signed by the Governor on behalf of the GOI. This, however was to trigger another serious split in the Naga political movement, followed by yet another split, and still more splits in recent times until the total number of the different groups or of their specific names can no longer be properly identified or enumerated by the Naga public, except for the severe economic pain caused to the public by the multiple extortions collected by the different armed cadres.

Jamir and wife in Ahmedabad: File snaps

Ceasefire of 1997 between the NSCN (IM) under the leadership of Isac Swu and Th. Muivah and the Government of India was made at the back of the State Government, the Churches of Nagaland and the Naga public. This ceasefire under the new leaderships had completely reversed and nullified the character of the previous norms and status and mutually agreed to entrust an interlocutor in the person of Kaushal to conduct the political negotiation. Of course the present arrangement is totally different in nature and complexion compared with the undivided Federal Government of Naga underground. It was mandated by the plebiscite of 1951, hence the stature of the Federal Government of Nagaland was unique in all respects.   

In the aftermath of a military conquest, the winner dictates the terms and takes what he wants. Today’s Naga political settlement process, on-going now for more than 2 decades through peaceful negotiations cannot be singled out and isolated from the prevailing geo-political realities, or from the contextual realities of the larger Indian political landscape. Can the Naga political leaders take away what is not acceded to by the other negotiating party? The Government of India has recognized the uniqueness of the Naga political movement and had publicly stated its positive approach towards a final resolution of the Naga political aspirations on the basis of the mutually agreed upon ‘Framework Agreement’. Most of all, the Naga public are all yearning and longing for enduring peace and total normalcy to be restored in the land. Another golden opportunity is now at hand. Seize it in unison and let us move forward, or else the future will not forgive those responsible for letting the opportunity slip away.

Sitting in the comforts of today’s modern amenities of life, howsoever limited as compared to the outside world, and totally ignorant of how far and how arduously we have traversed as a people from where we were, socio-economically and politically, 7 decades ago, or even 6 decades back, it may be easy for some people, in the name of pseudo-patriotism and rootless politics, to be spewing out yarns of imaginary accusations, or to point their blood-soaked, self-righteous  fingers at others without one shred of hard evidence to produce, if dragged to the Courts of Justice on serious defamation charges. 

This, however, is not the time for Nagas ~ whether individuals or groups, over-ground or underground ~ to be barking at each other in the name of Naga nationalism, while others look upon us bewildered and amused, or even happy that we are doing our best to show our bitter disunity and thus ensure that the Naga Underground leaders are rendered incapable of speaking in one voice and thus consequently destroy the prospect of arriving at a consensus political settlement. This is not the time to be indulging in self-perceived vainglory or in the vanity of self-destruction. While the future destiny of the Nagas hang in delicate balance, this is a time for Nagas everywhere to be humbly united in prayer to God for his favour and lend every possible positive support for an early peaceful solution to the protracted Naga political issue. 


Let us be realistic and pragmatic, seize the moment of opportunity now available to us and give a brighter future to the upcoming generations.