How Nitish has little to gain on Modi front?

Narendra Modi exemplifies the saying that not every noun needs adjectives. But he has a stock full of those. Gujarat’s ‘ka sher’, ‘new Lion’, Gujarat’s Gaurav or ‘Pride of Gujarat’, Chhota Sardar, a ‘clean Chief Minister’ and a ‘CEO’ are all on the positive realm. Well, there are a few on the negativity too. 

In recent times, social networking sites have given him a title 'feku' (as a comparison to

Rahul Gandhi's tag of Pappu). But who among the two is the bigger 'feku' actually should be understood well.

That's besides the point. The real point to debate is can Modi emerge as BJP's candidate for prime ministership. The JD(U) hiccup as of now looks a rare ornamental and customary as Nitish Kumar, having gone so far against Modi, now has a little choice to make. But he can't go to Congress block and Bihar's caste-factors suggest unlike Naveen Patnaik or Mamata Banerjee, JD(U) cannot take an equi-distance stand too so easily. Actually, having underestimated Modi and perhaps over estimated his 'own Delhi cliche in BJP' led by Arun Jaitley and even L K Advani; Nitish has almost burned his finger.

He will find it very difficult to wriggle himself out of the chaotic jigsaw puzzle. Modi is determined to push his own case and unlike past, the new BJP chief Rajnath Singh is around this time backing him. On the BJP foundation day, Rajnath chose to visit Ahmedabad and laud Modi as "country's most popular leader". Even worst critic of Modi would agree on that line, because the kind of media frenzy Modi has created in last few weeks.

It is difficult to dismiss Modi's presence in television channels on whatever occasions he is speaking these days only to backroom 'machinations' and the art of media management, as his detractors would like to dismiss.

Moreover, party president Rajnath has shed the veil and has unequivocally backed him both in Ahmedabad and elsewhere. The message from Rajnath seems to be clear.

In fact, Rajnath has only given a royal snub to JD(U) when he volunteered to describe Modi as a 'secular leader'. He also made it clear to Nitish and others that a non-secular person cannot survive in BJP, a party which believes in appeasement to none and justice for all.

In other words, he is telling JD(U), look here guys, if my Modi is communal, so am I and perhaps also others in my party.

Modi as a phenomenon also suits RSS and thus to think from ivory tower intellectual hubs that RSS would not allow an autocratic Modi perhaps sounds only a figment of imagination. On April 11, party spokesperson, Nirmala Sitharaman, not the one to belong to one camp or the other in the saffron party, only made it further clear by saying that she was only dutifully endorsing what her party president had said that Modi is secular.

This neo-assertive style of Rajnath and BJP actually can yield better results than the mixed signal politics the saffron party had tried to play all along. 

Narendra Modi is back in news on practically hourly basis – almost

with vengeance. The country’s best known headline hunter that he is,the controversial Gujarat chief minister has able to live up to thatreputation. But the other ‘reputation’ of his --- a Muslim hater or so– is perhaps not altogether deserved. No, I have no qualms about whatsecularism would mean to him. What I have been trying to understand isthat all cynicism or suspicion about him from being a Hindutva zealotis actually supplemented well by the confidence of his works fordevelopment. At the same time, a hardcore political animal that he is,Modi does not quite want the Hindutva poster-boy image to be erasedcompletely.


But a tactful strategist that he is, in February this year, Modi avoided a visit to Allahabad for the Kumbh and instead addressed commerce students in Delhi.

The Late Naga leader Hokishe Sema once diagnosed that to survive and thrive in a political atmosphere that Modi inherited especially after post-2002 riots and highly successful election, one needs to have some peculiar qualities. 

Modi has in him that combined magic box of native understanding, trust in some hardliner ideology, willingness to manipulate things and an astute sense of humour and importantly the timing.

The theatrical perfection – of ‘Mia Musharraf’ rhetoric and ‘hum panch hamare pachis’ lines; his timely decision in 2012 polls not to field any Muslim candidate and telling the party cadres about 'nighwatchman' Sitaram Kesri and Manmohan Singh have added to his electoral support base and also the overall public image. 

It is erroneous to think that Modi did not understand Rahul Gandhi's metaphor of 'beehive'. 

On the contrary, Modi know that most Indians would not like the country to be compared with a 'beehive' --- that's the difference between imported metaphors and Modi's desi approach when he called Sonia Gandhi's aide, 'Ahmed Mia Patel'. Politics is no charity, Rahul and Digvijaya Singh could think inside; Modi tells it on your face -- with or without Nitish Kumar by his side.

ends 

BEG TO DIFFER WITH VINOD MEHTA:

BEG TO DIFFER WITH VINOD MEHTA:: journos can be best friends too.

While as journos we might relish at Vinod Mehta's oneliner in interview to Mint that journalists and politicians cannot be good friends.... it might not be true in strict sense.

As a practicing scribe -- I can vouch for many friends who have helped me, and yes they r and have been journalists. Importantly they will continue to be journalists.. I need to go personal and name a few Thomas Kutty Abraham, Binu Alex, Anosh Malekar, Basant Rawat.... without them in 2002 my Ahmedabad sojourn for a highly demanding organisation PTI would have been disaster... 

I have been helped by many such friends.. R C Rajamani rehabilitated me back in mainstream... all these came selflessly ... 

Among netas too, we often hear of 'friendship' despite often they work at cross purposes. In Nagaland, friendship between hardcore regional Vamuzo and Congress veteran S C Jamir was legendary... 

Jamir once called Vamuzo "a dull fellow" in assembly and Vamuzao called him "habitual liar". both of them ended up laughing at each other. we know of friendship between Advani and Vajpyee. 

In 2001 when reports surfaced about Advani-Vajpayee differences, Vajpayee had called Advani's wife and said he wanted to come for lunch. Advani was immediately summoned home by his wife... What better instance can one give of friendship?

  

Few years back, Sushma was asked to react for some comments made by George Fernandes against Jaipal Reddy. Sushma was smart to counter: "George Fernandes and jaipal were friends once, they can again become friends and then they will not spare me".... Vajpayee-Narasimha Rao friendship too was more than mere politics perhaps

SO i don't buy the line: politicians and journalists should never be friends.

pls join the debate... 

A non issue of 'bad husband' Lord Rama

Ram Jethmalani has courted controversies yet again. But on a wrong issue. The credit for this goes to the media - who by television culture is surviving or thriving a corruption a day.

Jethmalani's remarks that Lord Rama was a 'bad husband' should be taken in the spirit he is said.

In an interview with Karan Thapar on CNN-IBN, the ace lawyer has rightly said that the media has lost its sense of humour too.

Thanks to the culture of the 'idiot box' - that is the television channels - the intellectual sense is just not around in media today.

I cannot agree more with Anita Pratap of the famous LTTE-Sri Lanka reporting in 1980s and 1990s that:

“The fallout of modern television coverage is that it has made journalism superficial, unnaturally fast-paced and entertainment oriented, and it comes with inherent, embedded distortions”. (Courtesy:
B G Verghese: ‘Breaking the Big Story – Great Moments in Indian Journalism’)

It is worth mentioning here that the Hinduism was never understood to be what it is today. Of course, the Sangh Parivar is to be blamed for making our grand Hinduism - one God religion.

Even in the past humour on Lord Rama and other characters of Ramayana have been around.

In Bengal, noted comedian the Late Bhanu Bandyopadhyaya had a satire record-player (audio) drama: 'Nava Ramayan' -- where jokes like Rama being a bad husband or Lakshmana being 'manly' only with women had surfaced.

Please note Bhanu died in 1982 and this was prior to BJP-Sangh Parivar era. We did not have Shah Bano case nor Salman Rushdie's 'Satanic Verses' was banned yet.... in other words, the country was more tolerant --- or in effect 'unmindful' to silly jokes or genuine jokes.

I am sure people never doubted Bhanu's faith in Hinduism, because that's never an issue.

This is new secular India and the media which will allow a so called great painter to paint Goddess Saraswati naked; but will make life hell for a BJP leader like L K Advani for saying Jinnah a 'secular' -- vis-a-vis one of his speeches as founder of Pakistan.

The same media latched on the remarks by Jethmalani....but forgot the joker in a 'crown prince' when he compared Kargil cnflict with FDI retail.

Here I am also tempted to talk about famous Bengali poet Michael Madhusudhan Dutt, who had described Lord Rama as 'bikari raghav' in Meghnad Badh Kavya.... In 2012, Michael would have been dubbed an ISI agent... over to you.

- ends

My Dream Cabinet - Jokingly Yours

My dream cabinet on the occasion of Navratri and Durga Puja festive season is as follows:


# PM : has to be our honourable MMS (Dr Maun Mohan Singh) – silence is truly golden

# Minister for Jehad Affairs: After his bloodbath remarks, Salman Khurshid will be a natural choice

# Minister for Hit-and-Run in Corrupt practices: No marks for guessing – its Arvind Kejriwal

# Minister for Wrong Publicity: After stiff competition with Jairam Ramesh, Digvijaya Singh would get the honour.

# Minister for Toilet: Natural choice is Jairam Ramesh and on his mother’s special petition he is also given additional charge of Temple Affairs

# Minister-in-waiting: Rahul Gandhi --- Will be given status of ‘prime minister from 10 Janpath

# NAC (National Advisory Council for Family and of Family) chairperson will be of course, Italian madam, Sonia

--- Deputy chairman : Son-in-Law Matters : Robert Priyanka Gandhi Vadra

# Minister for National Sympathy: after the waves of sympathy for 'social enterprise', the portfolio will go to Nitin Gadkari


I am still thinking about portfolios for the likes of Sharad Pawar, Supriya Suley, Arun Jaitley, Mohan Bhagwat

Pls feel free to suggest…. (No caste politics will be encouraged ha ha--- PS: ‘national joke’)

Amitabh: Hero of disillusionment of young angry Indian

He will be best known as someone who defined and redefined stardom.

With a brooding look, fire in eyes and ire practically emerging out of his soul, his masterpiece roles in films like 'Zanzeer', 'Deewar' and 'Trishul' mirrored the disillusionment of young Indian of that time reeling under controlled economy vices – the joblessness, antagonized family life, corruption and price rise.

It was not without reason when one film writer rightly wrote once, one look at him on the screen and you knew: there was nothing much in life to sing and dance about.
Dissatisfaction, they say is very strong element in the life of a
middle class citizen and Amitabh's films will keep giving in
refreshing memories to Indians about the the roles he played – umpteen
times as Vijay – much befittingly portrayed every Indian's desire of
the time that man always feels that he could have achieved more – done
more good to himself and his society.
Born on October 11, 1942 to the family of noted Hindi poet, Harivansh Rai Bachchan and socialite mother Teji, he grew up with best of both the upbringing culture – western lifestyle from mother and the oriental values from his father.
Amitabh in later years once recalled his father saying, "If you don't
enter a gate, just jump over the wall". This is precisely what he did to
achieve the stardom, and of course retained it even at the ripe age of 60 plus with a finesse not mastered by many in the world of entertainment.
When romantic films and chocolate cream images of screen heroes were
going strong, it was swinging against the stream when he signed for a
role as inspector ‘Vijay Khanna’ in Prakash Mehra's 'Zanzeer' in 1973 to
record his first milestone performance. The role came to him only after
Dharmendra had rejected it. Grapevine was that with past failures, prior to Zanzeer, Amitabh was almost planning to quit Mumbai for good!

Zanzeer was his first film as the leading protagonist to achieve box office
success that earned him a Filmfare Nomination for Best Actor. The same year, he married Jaya on June 3 and around this time they appeared in several films together, not only in Zanjeer but in films such as Abhimaan which was released only a month after their ceremony. Later Bachchan played the role of an industrialist’s son Vikram in the film Namak Haraam, a social drama directed by Hrishikesh Mukherjee and scripted by Biresh Chatterjee addressing themes of friendship. His supporting role opposite Rajesh Khanna and Rekha was praised as his angst dialogue delivery and maneerism won him the Filmfare Best Supporting Actor Award – spelling a tough competition for Rajesh Khanna ahead.
Subsequently 'Anand' made Amitabh and probably unmade Rajesh Khanna.
In 1975 he starred in a variety of film genres from the comedy Chupke
Chupke, the crime drama Faraar to the romantic drama Mili. However,
1975 was the year when he appeared in two films which are regarded as
important in Hindi cinematic history. He starred in the Yash Chopra
directed film ‘Deewar’ opposite Shashi Kapoor, Nirupa Roy, and Neetu
Singh which earned him a Filmfare Nomination for Best Actor.

The film became a major hit at the box office in 1975. He did not look back since then. Released on August 15, 1975 was Sholay (meaning Fire) which became the highest grossing film of all time in India earning Rs. 2,36,45,00,000 equivalent to US$ 60 million, was another film that made his position practically invincible.

Although with angry young man image, Bachchan cemented his status as Bollywood's pre-eminent action hero, the Big B, as he came to be known later, illustrated that he was flexible in other roles, successfully playing the romantic lead, in films such as Kabhie Kabhie (1976) and comic timing in comedies such as Amar Akbar Anthony (1977) and of course earlier in Chupke Chupke (1975) .

In 1979 for the first time, a multi-facet quality of his came to light when Amitabh was required to use his singing voice for the film Mr Natwarlal which he starred in alongside Rekha. His performance in the film saw him nominated for both the Filmfare Best Actor Award and the Filmfare Best Male Playback Awards.

In 1979 he also received Best Actor nomination for Kaala Patthar (1979) and then went on to be nominated again in 1980 for the Raj Khosla directed film Dostana in which he starred opposite Shatrughan Sinha and Zeenat Aman. In 1981 he starred in Yash Chopra's melodrama Silsila where he starred alongside his wife Jaya and rumoured flame Rekha. Other films of this period include Ram Balram (1980), Shaan (1980), Lawaaris (1981), and Shakti (1982) which pitted him against legendary actor Dilip Kumar.

Bachchan has won numerous awards in his career, including three National Film Awards and 12 Filmfare Awards and also holds the record for most number of Best Actor nominations at the Filmfare Awards.

In addition to acting, he has had a flair of politics as he was elected member of the Lok Sabha from the prestigious Allahabad constituency in 1984. He hold on to the seat till 1987 when controversy regarding Bofors gun deal and his friendship with the then Prime Minister left a sore experience of body politics in him.

Bachchan’s splendid career too has been marked by off-screen controversies like his on and off affairs with fellow actress Rekha, and Amitabh-Rekha pair by far remains one of the leading couple hits till today. He was also dragged into controversy by another actress, the late Parveen Babi, who had charged the megastar with ditching him. However, the allegation never stuck and was dismissed as utterances of a frustrated woman, disillusioned with life.

Again Amitabh’s surprising success came when he ventured into small screen thorugh reality quiz game show, ‘Kaun Banega Crorepati’. This redfined his career and also the history of Indian television. Since then Bachchan has tasted success in many films including the award winning ‘Chini Kum’, ‘Black’ and ‘Khaki’. Importantly, opening a new vista film scripts were began to be written keeping in mind as the main protagonist.

His first English language film Rituparno Ghosh’s ‘The Last Year’ premiered at the 2007 Toronto International Film Festival on Septeember 9, 2007.
His fans will remember him passionately no doubt.

(ends)

Now The Arvind Kejriwal Spring : A Tale of two sons-in-law

The wikipedia describes Robert Vadra as an Indian businessman, husband of Priyanka Vadra and a “member” of the Nehru-Gandhi family by marriage.

It also says about Feroze Gandhi that in 1942, ironically the Quit India Movement year, he had married Indira Nehru and thus became part of the Nehru dynasty.

The similarity ends at that.

On this backdrop, one is really tempted, to employ a time tested maxim – nothing is permanent except change. The changes have taken place in the country’s first political family.

And the statement is a serious challenge to another well-worn saying, the more things change, the more they stay the same.

The irony is not lost. While Feroze Gandhi had taken up a cudgel against the corruption and probably had embarrassed the Family, this time round, Robert Vadra is at the receiving end of the charge of gross impropriety and has embarrassed his mother-in-law braving her ill-health and a typical bad season for any ruling establishment.

My paper, The Statesman, rightly titled the story: ‘Robert Vadra in eye of storm’.
Thanks to Arvind Kejriwal and Prashant Bhushan, the son-in-law of Congress president Sonia Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi’s husband had been charged with acquiring at least 31 properties worth several hundred crores in and around the national capital, thanks to huge favours from real estate major DLF.

In contrast, Feroz Gandhi in December 1955 had tried to expose how Ram Kishan Dalmia, as chairman of a bank and an insurance company, had allegedly sought to takeover of Bennett and Coleman and started transferring money illegally from publicly held companies for personal benefit.

In 1958, Feroze had again raised the Haridas Mundhra scandal involving the government controlled LIC insurance company. “This was a huge embarrassment to the clean image of Nehru's government”, says Wikipedia.

The take away from the Robert Vadra story is that the Law holds no fear for the new generation son-in-law. Rather he systematically bulldozed his way and influenced the decisions – probably in return forcing his mother-in-law’s ‘chamchas’ to dole out continuous and undue favor to the DLF, a key player in real estate.

The brazen manner Congress ministers and party spokespersons tried to undo each other and defend ‘madam’s son in law’ talks for itself that Mr Vadra is no private individual as otherwise an attempt is being made to build an argument on that line – that the deals if at all were between DLF and Robert, so Congress regimes across the north India’s states – including a ‘very efficient’ Sheila Dikshit regime – had nothing to do.

Even the purported pro-Congress television channels could not sing the other way round on Friday evening – as essential questions raised by Kejriwal and Prashant Bhushan beg convincing answers. Even the anchors who get excited to paint pro-Congress slant to any developments under the sky, were surprisingly pleasant and blatant to ask Salman Khurshied and Jayanti Natrajan: "why you are defending an individual called Robert Vadra?"

In my initial reactions to the charges against Vadra, on Facebook posting, I lauded Kejriwal as a gutsy fellow – a ‘fidayen’- who took up the matter concerning country’s most sacred son-in-law about whom people were only talking among fiends and in close doors.

Of course, during the height of Anna Movement in 2011, Youtube
and other social networking sites had lot many postings and video clippings against the First family.

What Kejriwal and his team has tried to say is not something unknown. Believe me or not, just few minutes before Kejriwal spoke against Vadra on October 5 evening; one journalist friend from a 'reputed to be pro-Congress newspaper' had joked (I think!) what will happen, if Arvind names Robert Vadra.

Now, Arvind Kejriwal might not be the ‘dhud ke dhuley hue’; but Kejriwal has set for himself a unique preamble for his yet to be named political party.

He will be also a dangerous element to handle with by any political party and leader as he has been displaying a unique synthesis of good timing, doing a good homework on his own and showing a desi bravado.

It is true, he has been stealing away the thunder from opposition parties including the BJP on the issue of corruption. But it is not without good reason. 'The Economic Times' is apt in summing up the man: “He knows he can't win by fighting along the traditional matrix of caste, money and muscle power.”

And hence, his methods might not be right, he could be ‘wrong’ himself --- but he is different!

Is PM's FDI card akin to Modi’s Developmental model?

Does Narendra Modi and the Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh share
something similar? Both pushed to the corner – one for riots and the
other for alleged corruption and both try to find a game-changer in FDI or
development model.

This write up is coming at a time – at the suggestion of my good friend
Jacinta Dsouza - when the country is debating the pros and cons of Foreign Direct Investment vis-à-vis the economic reforms.

Moreover the challenge is to explain in first person the factors those led to pen the book ‘Modi to Moditva: An Uncensored Truth’. Incidentally, this being my third book on broad Hindutva related issues after ‘Godhra: A Journey to Mayhem’
and ‘Ayodhya: Battle for Peace’.

I am often asked, whether there’s any special reason?

Of and on, my contention is when a journalist decides to write a book,
you ought to be sure that either he is excited about the subject. He
likes it or he is annoyed with it, disturbed with it. In my case, the
book on northeast ‘The Talking Guns: North East India’ comes under one
category. I love northeast region, where I was born and brought up.

The communalism on the other hand, really disturbs me. I am not saying Hindu communalism only. It’s about all.

The Godhra carnage, then post-Godhra riots all of it left me angry. So, came my first book on Gujarat and I was surprised that my
first book was not on northeast India.

About this book, I think the simple provocation was to try to break
some of the knots of the cobweb embroiled about Narendra Modi himself.

Undoubtedly, the story of Gujarat in last 10 years has been the story
of Modi.
Thus, the making of Brand Modi definitely deserves a closer look with
all its merits and albeit, also the demerits.

Today, to talk about the dynamics and complexities of Gujarat state
and the Hindutva politics of Modi has perhaps become more important
now than ever before especially in the context of forthcoming assembly
elections where in Gujarat’s most talked about chief minister will
seek his re-election.

The polls could also decide whether Modi will be the BJP's Prime Ministerial candidate in 2014 parliamentary polls.

But as the currency these days in on FDI and reforms, I will try for a
while focus on these issues.

Gujarat in more ways than one reflects that story of multi-pronged
development and the liberal economic policy. Many are already
comparing Gujarat’s phenomenal success with the select manufacturing
hub of China; but the irony is not lost on many.

Although, the Indian development pace is much slower than China’s;
even in late nineties Gujarat had equaled the growth rate of China.

The developmental phases of Modiland notwithstanding the negative
publicity of the state administration since 2002 have many people
baffled. There are a few questions too --- as I examine in the book
‘Modi to Moditva…..’; can Modi really redefine the state’s and more
importantly his own reputation?

I also pose a rather mystifying question, “Can it keep the balance
with the traditional culture of Gujarat, its religious bias and the
unprecedented benefits of economic liberalization?”

In course of my work for the book, I did come across the obvious that
India’s reforms in 1991 under Dr Manmohan Singh as the finance minster
have come in compartmentalized forms.

In the absence of reforms in the administration, police and judiciary,
the new rules were enforced by an old system, and the mismatch has led
to weak enforcement.

The competition in presence of multiple players say in telecom could overcome
weak enforcement. This appears to be a
factor responsible for the success of equity markets and telecom but
the same story was not reaped in the oil and power sectors.

Many would argue that in a complex society like ours and in multilayered polity
of democracy in India, the consensual process of reform is important
for success. There is no doubt in the last two decades the policy
makers, the ministers and the law makers either in state assemblies or
in parliament, have spent time listening to groups, business chambers
etc before embarking on major policy changes.

So did even a supposed autocrat Modi. But his success story also underlines that ‘out of the box’ thinking is highly advisable. Here was a chief minister,
who despite the bad press, to the industry has always remained a
‘vanguard’ of not only change but someone who stood for what he said.

When Modi invited Ratan Tata after the latter’s Bengal misadventure,
at least the corporate honcho knew that Gujarat would embrace his
project. …this calls for some credit for the state chief minister.

A senior socialist based in Faizabad in UP, I interacted with in
course of my work on the book, actually said something sensational
putting me into a track to ponder about his point of argument. He said
Modi should be considered as an “injured tiger” - caged and pushed to
the wall by constant vilification.

The blot of 2002 had created a sort of a crisis for him. Fortunately for Modi, said my friend, he had no choice but to prove his mantle in administration and
that too for development.

Were it not for Modi having to confront a full-scale war against him
by the rival politicians and the secular brigade, it is unlikely that
Modi would have pushed his developmental card so hard and decisively.
May be, may be not!

(Enough of praising the own ‘kid’, the book in this case. Look for the
page turner ‘Modi to Moditva: An Uncensored Truth’ by Nirendra
Dev (faithfully yours) and published by Manas Publications, New Delhi.

Well, some other highlights of the book include:

What’s common between Congress chief minister of Manipur Ibobi Singh
and the controversial Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi

What did Narendra Modi say after Vajpayee-Musharraf Agra Summit failed?