If a political party appears uncertain about its own journey, goals and unwilling to clarify certain questions; it dents confidence. It gives rise to suspicion and would be easily dumped.
The Aam Admi Party (AAP) -- Common People's Party - victory in Delhi in 2015 and 2020 actually demonstrated the victory of the ‘civil society’ in taking up roles of governance.
Historically, this was not a new phenomenon for northeast. Assam had witnessed the emergence of Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) and the landslide victory in 1986. Youth organizations in other northeastern states like Nagaland, Meghalaya and Mizoram are not only influential, they also command tremendous respect. The Young Mizo Association is one such body.
In Bangladesh, students' protest in July-Aug 2024 that ultimately led to the ouster of Sheikh Hasina created ground for creation of New Citizens' Party (NCP).
Elections in Bangladesh are round the corner.
But people are asking ... What exactly is the NCP for? What principles guide its policy positions, alliances, and internal decisions?
The party lacks a clear, publicly articulated manifesto.
"This is not a messaging problem. It is a failure of political self-definition," says a piece in Dhaka's 'The Daily Star'.
What's important at the next stage is performance angle? In Assam; the AGP Govt's performance was lacklustre to speak the least.
Young ministers -- out of college hostels - were now in the Secretariat and they started fighting over their ministerial chambers; airy rooms, AC and such amenities. Governance never received priorities. This was the period; the ULFA revived -- first their Robinhood image - killing and robbing the rich to help the poor. Then they started issuing diktats - against alcoholism, drunkard husbands, economic exploiters - Tea garden managers and Marwari and other non-local businessmen.
Slowly - the violence cult swallowed the state and that compelled the then Chandrashekhar Govt supported by Congress to dismiss Mahanta Govt, impose President's Rule and ban ULFA.
Governance was never a priority for Arvind Kejriwal and his AAP dispensation. Sign boards started coming out.
Sitting in chief minister's chamber; he dreamt of taking on Narendra Modi - the Prime Minister. He became personal in attacking Modi. And he started drawing so on daily basis. Hoardings screamed and a real-estate smart move racket was called Mohalla Clinics.
There were immense encouragements from abroad. Foreign assistance was liberal and Indian 'sickular' media thought they should also project Kejriwal as bigger than life. The fact of the matter was his was a government (under a chief minister) which was at best a municipal body.
Ultimately; people suffered. Cleam Yamuna figured in Delhi's media only after Kejriwal was voted out in 2025. Hence to be much optimistic about so-called Revolution or Citizens' government(s) is something that does not work.
Hence, little wonder -- it did not work in Bangladesh as well.
For NCP in Dhaka; native analysts say a party that remains largely socially isolated cannot plausibly claim to represent the public.
As a result; 'grand dad' Yunus remains a frustrated puppet. He probably does not know -- how to look for an exit route. Should he flee ?
Should he go back to the Deep State empty handed ?
Bengali intellectuals in Dhaka say - Yunus's position is like Dr Manmohan Singh in UPA era in India.
"Chhere de maa ... kende bachi (translation; Leave me alone my mom; let me go out and cry somewhere in that corner).
Means - Give me a respectable escape route. I have nothing to be blamed about this chaos.
Politically; the NCP has failed to offer any sustained pro-people programme that explains what it stands for.
The NCP leaders may still be clueless on how to govern differently - a promise they had made.
In the case of AGP -- joining politics was a career option for many young talented Assamese youths. Late Dinesh Goswami (who became Law Minister under V P Singh) was one of them.
In the case of AAP; the same logic applied for many youngsters who gave up corporate jobs and thought -- "an alternative job avenue and Govt's fat salary and other perks and extra Halwa-puri too was available".
Service to the people and governance was never an area of focus.
The same problem haunts NCP in Bangladesh.
Even after formally constituting itself as a political party, its leadership has remained disproportionately engaged on university campuses and with foreign delegates, rather than systematically building grassroots connections.
There is another phenomenon about NCP and so common about AAP in New Delhi.
Most citizens in Dhaka or other places reportedly identify NCP leaders only with a handful of prominent figures. In AA{'s case - Kejriwal tweeted daily about 'Hitler' style of Modi .. but it was his Delhi-wallah hooligans who kicked out Prashant Bhushan and Yogendra Yadav from a closed door AAP meeting.
A few years later even one Delhi chief secretary said he was manhandled in presence of Kejriwal. Not to talk about his 'shahi palace'.
And so much of democracy from Anna Hazare's disciple - when he was jailed on charges of corruption - the AAP had to nominated his wife to the throne.
The same theories now apply to the NCP. People are talking about costly cars moving around in Dhaka.
As the 'Daily Star' piece suggests --- "Political trust arises from sustained clarity about ends, means, and limits. Ambiguity may offer short-term tactical advantages, but it is normatively corrosive".
Have we answered the simple question - What's common between AGP and AAP in India and the NCP in Bangladesh ?
ends
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