Simon Commission and Nagaland
** A big hype is always made out of a memorandum submitted by Nagas to a panel led by John Allsebrook Simon
Economic prosperity is a must. Political stability ought to be sacrosanct. Yet what is happening in Nagaland these days?
There is a plan and design to make backdoor entry and put the real stakeholders to the margins. This attempt by forces seemingly being sponsored by one section of power that be is actually wrapped in negativity.
Vested interests are at work. They may not achieve much for themselves but they will spoil the good show where credit would have gone to genuine stakeholders.
It would cross any sincere person's mind that the history of Nagas and especially the state of Nagaland (as is known by modern geography) between 1929 and 1951 and even 1956 has not been properly documented. The word of mouth, wishful thinking/imagination and motivated propaganda worked immensely. And no one bothered to do any clinical and objective analysis.
Vested interests are again engaging themselves to revise almost dead issues of the past only to serve their individual and parochial interests.
Unfortunately, as an infant nation even at the national level the Government of India sought to undermine or simply ignore any effective stock taking of history. Today as the debate has been pushed for revisit of the 1929 Simon Commission, the 1947 declaration of Naga independence and the Plebiscite of 1951; no one seems to realise that allowing festering wounds to rear their heads again is actually a very dangerous game.
We will try to examine all these three datelines distinctly.
In this piece let us talk about the Simon Commission.
What did the memorandum submitted by the Naga Club say?
The Simon Commission consisted of seven members under the Chairmanship of Sir John Allsebrook Simon and (co-chair) Clement Richard Atlee to study the constitutional reforms in India.
They visited Kohima on January 10, 1929 -- so we are effectively more than 95 years since then.
"....We pray that the British Government will continue to safeguard our rights against all encroachments from other people who are more advance than us by withdrawing our country from the reformed scheme and placing it directly under its own protection.
If the British Government however, wants to throw us away, we pray that we should not be thrust to the mercy of the people who could never subjugate us, but to leave us alone to determine for ourselves as in the ancient times.
We claim (not only the numbers of the Naga Club) to represent all these tribes to which we belong: Angami, Kacha-Nagas, Kukis, Semas, Lotha and Rengmas."
The document addressed to 'The Indian Statutory Commission, Camp India,' stated subject as 'Memorandum of the Naga Hills'
(dated: January 10, 1929 ---- Original letter dated 26.3.28/March 26, 1928)
and was signed by :
Nihu, Head Interpreter, Angami, Nisale, Peshkar, Angami, Nisher, Master, Angami, Khose, Doctor, Angami, Cepo, Interpreter, Kacha Naga, Vipunyu, Potdar, Angami, Gyiepra, Treasurer, Angami, Rushkhrie, Master, Sub-Overseer, Angami, Dikhrie, Master, Angami, Zhapuzulie, Master, Angami, Zepulie, Interpreter, Angami, 12 Katsumo, Interpreter, Angami, Nuolhoukielie, Clerk, Angami, Luzevi, Interpreter, Sema, Apamo, Interpreter, Lotha, Resilo, Interpreter, Rengma, Lengjang, Interpreter, Kuki, Nikhriehu, Interpreter, Angami, Miakrai, Chaprasi, Angami, Levi, Clerk, Kacha Naga.
At least the para quoted above does not speak of 'Naga desire for independence'or anything such. The fact of the matter is the memorandum is hardly a statement of political assertiveness.
Rather the initial part of the document should force Naga people to do honest soul searching at the earliest. Some of the bitter facts as stated in this document are today haunting Nagas yet again.
Read the paragraph carefully....
"Now learn that you come to India as representatives to the British Government to enquire into the working of the system of Government and the growth of the education and we beg to submit below our view with the prayer that our Hills may be withdrawn from the Reformed Scheme and placed outside the Reforms but directly under British Government.
We never asked any reforms and we do not wish for any reforms.
"Before the British Govt. conquered our country in 1879-1880, we were living in a state of intermittent warefare with the Assamese of the Assam valley to the North and West of our country and Manipuries in the South. They never conquered us, nor were we ever subjected to their rule.
On the under other hand, we were always a terror to these people.
"Our country within the administered area consists of more than Eight tribes, quite different from one another with quite different languages which cannot be understood by each other, and there are more tribes outside the administered area which are not known at present.
"We have no unity among us and it is really the British Government that is holding us together now." --
The last line needs to be scanned, read and x-rayed multiple times.
So if prior to 1929 or even before 1947, it was the British colonial masters who held Nagas "together" -- after 1947 too -- that credit should go to New Delhi -- directly or indirectly.
If the much acclaimed Naga document of 1928-29 says "we have no unity" -- where does the concept of Nagas as a nation or even so-called Greater Nagaland come from ?
Of course this question can be better answered when scanned through anthropological point of view and if we believe in the human trends of evolution. - So what we have today is a matter of fact -- the Nagas are a distinct entity certainly.
But there is a need to look at the other side as well.
The memorandum had stated : “We should not be thrust to the mercy of the people who could never subjugate us, but leave us alone to determine for ourselves as in ancient time.” -- It is a crucial line.
But this line talks about 'people' a community subjugating the other. That's a catch. It does not talk about not being subjected to administrative control of the Govt of India.
Take the para yet again ...and the vital portion is - “We should not be thrust to the mercy of the people who could never subjugate us" ....
This is essentially the India story. This line can be said by Assamese with regard to Bengalis and Bengalis can say the same about Biharis or people from the north of India.
Hence an argument can be easily put forward that the Simon Commission related papers of Naga Club do not really talk about Naga independence or a clamour for liberation. Whatever is stated in the document is only as a prayer-petition.
Any nation 'independent' as is claimed would not talk to the colonial masters in such a modest manner.
The language of the memorandum accepts the supremacy of the British and so what happens to that 'supremacy' factor after 1947.
The 'Govt of India' is an institution and not 'people' as the memorandum also makes it clear.
Take the debate into another realm.
Before the court of law and logic; we have to even examine the Simon Commission papers in parallel with the transfer of power agreement of 1947.
The Indian Independence Act, passed by the British Parliament on July 18, 1947. officially ended British rule in India and paved the way for the creation of two independent dominions: India and Pakistan.
The act was based on the Mountbatten Plan, which proposed the partition of British India into two separate nations.
The Act formally ended British sovereignty over India, transferring all powers previously held by the British government to the newly formed dominions.
Hence, the Govt of India inherited the geography, land and people and the issue of subjugation does not come.
To claim that the Nagas had completely rejected the idea to join India or Burma is only a matter of interpretation and not an evidence of proof per se.
Here we must add other elements to the debate.
After 1947, Nagaland as a province (prior to granting of statehood) never really posed a challenge to the Sovereignty of India.
Yes, there was insurgency no doubt and there were poll related violence. These are happening even today not only in Nagaland or north east.
But the scenario in Kashmir was totally different. It is more often alleged or claimed that first genuine and free and fair state assembly polls in Kashmir were possible only in 1977 when Morarji Desai was the Prime Minister.
Election time has always turned out to be festive occasions in Nagaland.
Document submitted to the Simon Commission does not give any indication that Nagas were clamouring for Independence.
So some claims made otherwise fall flat on their own.
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