Knocking at series of Mistakes .... Pakistan and Pak Army faltered at many places .... resulting in creation of Bangladesh

Bangladesh came into being largely due to Blunders and a series of Mistakes by Pakistan Govt and the Pakistan Army. 

Traditionally, India always had a strong society and 'weak government' unlike China where the story is just the opposite - a strong Govt and a weak society. Reflecting on these are crucial as we set out on a journey to examine causes and factors that led to creation of Bangladesh and had left Pakistan bleeding and perhaps more importantly humiliated. Let us start with Pakistan Army's decision because by 1970 General Yahya Khan was at the helm. 

The Army commanders including Yahya himself had decided by 1969070 that as many as 13 divisions of  the Army should be kept reserved for West Pakistan and only one was provided for East Pakistan. This was at a time when Mujib Rahman had already shown the elements of rebellion. At a later stage when two additional divisions were sent; it was only to suppress the rebellion and not for 'protecting' the people of East Pakistan from external forces. 

In November 1970, the East Pakistan faced a massive Bhola typhoon but the Govt apparatus in Islamabad and Rawalpindi did nothing much. At the same time despite suggestions to the contrary, Yahya went ahead with the elections. Today after so many years, it is not without reason that academicians in Tripura capital Agartala and also a few Awami League leaders (now hiding) say -- it is likelythat the "great anger Bengalis" subsequently felt toward the rulers in Islamabad played a significant part in deciding their votes.   

Mujib and Bhutto : file Snap 

The Pakistan Army and even leaders such as Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto displayed immense racism against Bengalis (despite being Muslims). West Pakistanis thought themselves as genuine Muslims - tall, warlike and fair while the Bengalis were physically unimposing, short and also dark. 

Notably, the Bengali Muslims also came from the conversion process hat hit backwad caste Hindus. The Bengalis were always proud of their culture and languague. Instead West Pakistan leadership (s) - both political and military - imposed Arabic and also created Pakistani currency notes printed in West Pakistan language but not in Bangla (or Bengali). 

Look at another misguided move. Urdu was declared the official language of  Pakistan at a time when only eight per cent of population spoke Urdu. In fact, Bengali was a dominant language in terms of numbers and after that Punjabi was the second tongue. 

Historians would debate that the Partition of India was a badly thought idea and an illogical exercise in more ways than one. The fact of the matter is the East Bengalis wanted Independence from British colonial rule and as a concept they went along the idea of Pakistan because it was sprung on them at the last minute.

Looking back, one should not be surprised that in 1940, the Muslim League called for a division of India into three parts - a Muslim East Pakistan, a Muslim West Pakistan and a India for Hindus and other minorities. In fact, the name Pakistan had two meaning --- one of course -- a pious land (Pak means pure) and the other was --

P stood for Punjab

A for Afghan (North West Province)

K - Kashmir

I - Iran (actually Baluchstan region) and 

S - for Sindh.

At a later stage perhaps after 1946; Jinnah realised that a separate East Pakistan (for Bengali Muslims) would defeat (or vitiate) his argument of a single 'homeland' for Muslims.

In reality too,  the idea of a country separated by 5000 km by sea and 1600 km (land) made an absurd concept. 

In fact, even Jinnah had to be pointed out by Britons and others that without the tax revenue of the East; the so-called West Pakistan would not be a viable nation.   

Compared to Pakistanis (the west wallahs); East Pakistan and later Bangladesh produced more matured and importantly realistic leaders. Mujib and her daughter Sheikh Hasina were certainly prime examples.

There ought to be references some peculiar turn of events in history. It may not be known to many that since the formation of the United Nations in 1945; the case of Bangladesh (or East Pakistan) in circa 1971 was the first case of such 'secession'. One argument was put forward that East Pakistan had no right to 'secede' without its population deciding to do so in a referendum. The UN Charter was clear about it.  

But history is made on ground by people and not in the pages of charter or some declarations. 

The Pakistani military planners had blundered on yet another front. 

In December 1971, regardless of Chinese help, it was clear that the India was much mightier force than Pakistanis. India had 25 divisions where as Pakistan had only 15. India's GDP was six times that of Pakistan. 

It is often discussed in military circle that the Pakistanis believed in 'myth' and propaganda that each of their soldiers was worth three or more Indian troops. Moreover, Indian Navy and Air Force were again three times bigger than Pakistan's. Pak Army might have calculated and even 'banked' on Chinese help. 

However, they should have realised that after the Cultural Revolution; the People's Republic of China (PRC) was in a state of chaos and an overwhelming sections of Chinese army was already ineffective.   

The Cultural Revolution in China, officially known as the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, was a sociopolitical movement launched by Mao Zedong from 1966 to 1976. 

It aimed to enforce Mao's version of communism and eliminate perceived capitalist and traditional elements from Chinese society. 

The revolution resulted in widespread violence, social and political instability, and significant loss of life. 

ends 

Influx of Bangladeshis into West Bengal .... "It's daily affair" ..... There is a design to bring, shelter and help rehabilitate Bangladeshi Muslims

There is a design to bring, shelter and help rehabilitate Bangladeshi Muslims into Mamata Banerjee-ruled West Bengal.

"It's more than mere conspiracy", say citizens in Coochbehar-Sitai belt in North Bengal. "There is a system and systematic political patronage". Those entering into Sitai area hardly stay here. 

Trinamool operatives with 'necessary patronage' ensure that such illegal immigrants are easily taken to Siliguri and two key Muslim-dominated hubs Murshidabad and Malda. 

There are few pockets dominated by Rajbongshi Muslims. They are called Naishya Rajbongshis. Otherwise 'mainstream Bengali Muslims' make it convenient to reach Muslim-strongholds Murshidabad where Hindus are not only in minority; they are also slowly but gradually moving out to 'safer places'.  

In 1951, nearly 44.6% of Murshidabad's population was Hindu. Today, that number has dropped below 35.12%. 

Muslims in Murshidabad are now around 64 pr cent of voters and the Hindu population which was around 44 per cent in 1951 has nosedived to 35.

In the 1950s, Muslim population in Murshidabad was around 44 percent only. 

The refrain in North Bengal region is more often against South Bengal and the administrative set up in Kolkata's Nobanno.

Some Rajbongshi community leaders say ‘Sonar Bangla’ is heading certainly for a path-breaking political battle in the year 2026.

For the people of West Bengal, the coming year symbolises again a battle about hopes and fear. But there is skepticism as well. The hopes of a better Bengal remains a pipe dream for many.

"It is not even a pipe dream... we have stopped dreaming," says a small-time hotelier in Sitai. He is a Hindu Rajbongshi. His refrain is related to local people's anguish over constant negligence of the region by policy makers and administrators in Kolkata.

Several others endorse his views.  

"Some years back we thought the BJP will be different. But they have no plan for Coochbehar. Arrogance of their leaders and even party karyakartas led to the defeat of Nisith Pramanik in 2024," says a student.  

The Bangladesh border is close to the Sitai and Sitalkuchi areas of Coochbehar district.

Sitai is bordered by Bangladesh to the south and west. Sitalkuchi is also in close proximity to the border.

The Sitai assembly constituency is bordered by Bangladesh to the south and west, specifically by the Lalmonirhat Sadar Upazila and Aditmari Upazila of Bangladesh respectively.  

Of course the BSF is maintaining a strong vigil in the area. But incidents of attempted infiltration continue unabated largely due to involvement of vested interests. That vested interest is a mix of politics (Trinamool influence) and of course money.

The next year's  polls will be the acid test for both Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress and even the BJP.

The communists are sidelined. "We stay indoors.... no one wants to court troubles," say local Forward Bloc leaders. 

The political polarisation is on rise. The Left and the Congress scored zero in 2021 assembly polls. 

In 2024 parliamentary elections; the Left showed some keenness to fight it out again.

They may try to come together yet again. The Lotus party on the other hand is all determined to give Didi a tough fight but looking for good issues. 

 

The BJP has several challenges to handle. One of them is internal groupism.

In 2024, the party's handling of the hyped Sandeshkhali episode failed to resonate with voters.

Many pressing concerns such as alleged land grab by Trinamool leaders were not flagged off by the BJP strategists during elections. 

There are two varieties of BJP and RSS leaders in West Bengal including in Coochbehar and other pockets in North Bengal. One is 'original and sons of the soil (Rajbongsis) and the other is turncoats from Trinamool. In 2024, the original BJP/RSS workers were marginalised and this created major setback.

Suvendu Adhikari's functioning style is not acceptable to many, they say.  The party leaders are often at dilemma on how to handle 'Bengali Hindu refugee' issue vis-a-vis sons of the soil politics in North Bengal. 

The battle will be more challenging in 2026.

 

ends 

India's Defence attache to Indonesia admits Air Force lost "some aircraft" during Op. Sindoor : Embassy says he has been misquoted

"We have seen media reports regarding a presentation made by the Defence Attache at a Seminar. His remarks have been quoted out of context and the media reports are a mis-representation of the intention and thrust of the presentation made by the speaker. 

The presentation conveyed that the Indian Armed Forces serve under civilian political leadership unlike some other countries in our neighbourhood. It was also explained that the objective of Operation Sindoor was to target terrorist infrastructure and the Indian response was non-escalatory." - 

Defence attache Naval officer Captain Shiv Kumar noted political constraints limited attacks on Pakistan's military

The Indian Embassy in Indonesia on Sunday said the remarks made by its defence attache at a recent seminar, in which he indicated that the Indian Air Force (IAF) lost jets to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor due to political constraints, were “taken out of context” and “misrepresented”.

The clarification followed after the Congress latched onto the Navy officer’s admission and accused the Modi government of misleading the nation on military losses suffered during a four-day conflict with Pakistan in May.  

During a presentation at a seminar in Jakarta on June 10, India’s defence attache to Indonesia, Captain (Indian Navy) Shiv Kumar, acknowledged that the IAF lost “some aircraft” when it struck terror-linked sites under Operation Sindoor.  

He said the Indian forces had been directed not to target Pakistan’s military infrastructure or air defences. 

“Only because of the constraint given by the political leadership to not attack the military establishment or their air defences,” he said, explaining why the IAF suffered the loss of fighter jets.

Captain Kumar also stated that, after the initial setback, Indian forces changed the battle strategy.

“After the loss, we changed our tactics and we went for the military installations... we first achieved suppression of enemy air defences and then... all our attacks could easily go through using BrahMos missiles.”  

According to the mission, the attache was simply reiterating that Operation Sindoor’s aim was to target terrorist infrastructure and the civilian government’s orders to the military were to maintain a non-escalatory posture.  

“The presentation conveyed that the Indian Armed Forces serve under civilian political leadership, unlike some other countries in our neighbourhood,” the embassy added, in a veiled jab at Pakistan.

ends 

Challenges, Constraints and Opportunities in Bangladesh ::: A new caretaker Govt under Tarique Rahman of BNP will be "less harmful" to the Awami League

#Bangladesh #BNP #Awami League #Khaleeda Zia #SheikhHasina 

The BNP is leading in popularity graph as per a survey in Bangladesh; but political rivals are irked as ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's Awami League commands 14 per cent support despite all propaganda against it. 

A recent survey has shown that the BNP of Kheeda Zia leads in general mass popularity with 42%, followed by Jamaat-e-Islami at 32%.

This continues to keep the interim dispensation led by Muhammad Yunus unnerved. The student-led new outfit the National Citizen Party (NCP) is far behind.

Significantly enough, the banned Awami League of Sheikh Hasina, though cannot contest the polls, still enjoys 14% support – and probably more as most Awami League leaders are hiding; some in India.

And at the same time many voters are reluctant to reveal their preferences especially that is in favour of ousted PM Hasina's party. 

In an edit comment titled "Banning the Opposition Is No Way to Revive Bangladesh's Democracy", magazine 'The Economist' argues: "Not everyone in Bangladesh's oldest party is tainted". 

What's the roadmap for Bangladesh's return to Democracy?

Now to look ahead one must try to examine issues such as what can neighbouring giant India do. How far will this new axis Bangladesh-Pakistan-China will go?  

Does it mean Yunus wants to alienate the United States - which has lately developed an extra ordinary self-seeking love for Pakistan? And then what happens to the India angle in broad sense? 

Experts feel India should take a pro-active interest about the political dynamics in that country. Bangladesh shares its border with as many as five Indian states: Assam, West Bengal, Mizoram, Meghalaya and Tripura. That means it has India all around it. 

There are certain areas India should take interest. Foremost of all worries is -- how and when can the tiny but a key member in South Asia club return to democracy through ballots.

The Army chief Gen Waqar uz Zaman had strongly favoured polls by December 2025; but Yunus wants to buy time. Among the existing political leaders Tarique Rahman also called Taroque Zia (interim chairman of BNP) is a crucial player. 

He is the acting chairman of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the son of former President Ziaur Rahman and former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia. 

Rahman has a typical anti-India image and it is a matter of fact that the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami have been political allies in the past, 

The Awami League leaders also have been much critical of Khaleeda Zia and her son and vice versa. In fact, it is believed that Tarique during his stay in exile (in London) had joined hands with Jamat and also Pakistani agency ISI to oust India-friendly Sheikh Hasina.  But in politics -- 'enemy's enemy is a friend' is an established norm. 

Hence, probably India can closely examine entire scenario. Probably two-three things should happen or may happen in next few months; but may not happen at all too.

One is - military coup or dismissal of the interim regime headed by Yunus. Gen Waqar is also pro-China and has in the past strongly opposed the 'bloody Rakhine corridor'. 

But a coup and replacing of Yunus-led regime can actually create a new caretaker government so that elections are held in more transparent manner. The Yunus-led interim regime can hardly be trusted on that score -- that is holding of an inclusive election.  

So who can replace Yunus at this juncture or by the end of 2025 other than the army rule? 

  

Tarique Rahman 

That surprise man could be Tarique Rahman (or Zia). But India cannot hope benefit much. But what will a character such as Tarique do will depend a lot on the circumstances. Tarique's elevation could open a window for the Awami League or Sheikh Hasina to open some back channel with Dhaka. 

In other words, a Tarique-led regime will be "less harmful" to the Awami League than the incumbent Yunus-led dispensation.  

It is also made a case to suggest that even for Tarique Rahman - eligible to lead the country after 2026 polls - the next six months or so can pose as an opportunity to build his pro-liberal face. 

Will he have to part ways for BNP with the Jamat - however - will remain to be seen. 

Blogger in Dhaka : File snap 

ends 

Festering legacies - Siege of Falsehood .... Simon Commission and Nagaland .... When history was not properly documented ?

 

Simon Commission and Nagaland 

** A big hype is always made out of a memorandum submitted by Nagas to a panel led by John Allsebrook Simon 

Economic prosperity is a must. Political stability ought to be sacrosanct.  Yet what is happening in Nagaland these days?

There is a plan and design to make backdoor entry and put the real stakeholders to the margins. This attempt by forces seemingly being sponsored by one section of power that be is actually wrapped in negativity.

Vested interests are at work. They may not achieve much for themselves but they will spoil the good show where credit would have gone to genuine stakeholders. 

It would cross any sincere person's mind that the history of Nagas and especially the state of Nagaland (as is known by modern geography) between 1929 and 1951 and even 1956 has not been properly documented. The word of mouth, wishful thinking/imagination and motivated propaganda worked  immensely. And no one bothered to do any clinical and objective analysis. 

Vested interests are again engaging themselves to revise almost dead issues of the past only to serve their individual and parochial interests. 

Unfortunately, as an infant nation even at the national level the Government of India sought to undermine or simply ignore any effective stock taking of history. Today as the debate has been pushed for revisit of the 1929 Simon Commission, the 1947 declaration of Naga independence and the Plebiscite of 1951; no one seems to realise that allowing festering wounds to rear their heads again is actually a very dangerous game.

We will try to examine all these three datelines distinctly.

In this piece let us talk about the Simon Commission. 

What did the memorandum submitted by the Naga Club say?

The Simon Commission consisted of seven members under the Chairmanship of Sir John Allsebrook Simon and (co-chair) Clement Richard Atlee to study the constitutional reforms in India.

They visited Kohima on January 10, 1929 -- so we are effectively more than 95 years since then.    

"....We pray that the British Government will continue to safeguard our rights against all encroachments from other people who are more advance than us by withdrawing our country from the reformed scheme and placing it directly under its own protection. 

If the British Government however, wants to throw us away, we pray that we should not be thrust to the mercy of the people who could never subjugate us, but to leave us alone to determine for ourselves as in the ancient times. 

We claim (not only the numbers of the Naga Club) to represent all these tribes to which we belong: Angami, Kacha-Nagas, Kukis, Semas, Lotha and Rengmas."

The document addressed to 'The Indian Statutory Commission, Camp India,' stated subject as 'Memorandum of the Naga Hills'

 (dated: January 10, 1929 ---- Original letter dated 26.3.28/March 26, 1928)

and was signed by :

Nihu, Head Interpreter, Angami, Nisale, Peshkar, Angami, Nisher, Master, Angami, Khose, Doctor, Angami, Cepo, Interpreter, Kacha Naga, Vipunyu, Potdar, Angami, Gyiepra, Treasurer, Angami, Rushkhrie, Master, Sub-Overseer, Angami, Dikhrie, Master, Angami, Zhapuzulie, Master, Angami, Zepulie, Interpreter, Angami, 12 Katsumo, Interpreter, Angami, Nuolhoukielie, Clerk, Angami, Luzevi, Interpreter, Sema, Apamo, Interpreter, Lotha, Resilo, Interpreter, Rengma, Lengjang, Interpreter, Kuki, Nikhriehu, Interpreter, Angami, Miakrai, Chaprasi, Angami, Levi, Clerk, Kacha Naga.

At least the para quoted above does not speak of 'Naga desire for independence'or anything such. The fact of the matter is the memorandum is hardly a statement of political assertiveness. 

Rather the initial part of the document should force Naga people to do honest soul searching at the earliest. Some of the bitter facts as stated in this document are today haunting Nagas yet again. 

Read the paragraph carefully....

"Now learn that you come to India as representatives to the British Government to enquire into the working of the system of Government and the growth of the education and we beg to submit below our view with the prayer that our Hills may be withdrawn from the Reformed Scheme and placed outside the Reforms but directly under British Government. 

We never asked any reforms and we do not wish for any reforms.

"Before the British Govt. conquered our country in 1879-1880, we were living in a state of intermittent warefare with the Assamese of the Assam valley to the North and West of our country and Manipuries in the South. They never conquered us, nor were we ever subjected to their rule. 

On the under other hand, we were always a terror to these people. 

"Our country within the administered area consists of more than Eight tribes, quite different from one another with quite different languages which cannot be understood by each other, and there are more tribes outside the administered area which are not known at present. 

"We have no unity among us and it is really the British Government that is holding us together now." --

The last line needs to be scanned, read and x-rayed multiple times.  

So if prior to 1929 or even before 1947, it was the British colonial masters who held Nagas "together" -- after 1947 too -- that credit should go to New Delhi -- directly or indirectly. 

If the much acclaimed Naga document of 1928-29 says "we have no unity" -- where does the concept of Nagas as a nation or even so-called Greater Nagaland come from ?  

Of course this question can be better answered when scanned through anthropological point of view and if we believe in the human trends of evolution. - So what we have today is a matter of fact -- the Nagas are a distinct entity certainly.  

But there is a need to look at the other side as well.

The memorandum had stated : “We should not be thrust to the mercy of the people who could never subjugate us, but leave us alone to determine for ourselves as in ancient time.” -- It is a crucial line.  

But this line talks about 'people' a community subjugating the other. That's a catch. It does not talk about not being subjected to administrative control of the Govt of India. 

Take the para yet again ...and the vital portion is -  “We should not be thrust to the mercy of the people who could never subjugate us" ....

This is essentially the India story. This line can be said by Assamese with regard to Bengalis and Bengalis can say the same about Biharis or people from the north of India. 

Hence an argument can be easily put forward  that the Simon Commission related papers of Naga Club do not really talk about Naga independence or a clamour for liberation.  Whatever is stated in the document is only as a prayer-petition. 

Any nation 'independent' as is claimed would not talk to the colonial masters in such a modest manner.  

The language of the memorandum accepts the supremacy of the British and so what happens to that 'supremacy' factor after 1947. 

The 'Govt of India' is an institution and not 'people' as the memorandum also makes it clear.   

Take the debate into another realm.

Before the court of law and logic; we have to even examine the Simon Commission papers in parallel with the transfer of power agreement of 1947.

The Indian Independence Act, passed by the British Parliament on July 18, 1947. officially ended British rule in India and paved the way for the creation of two independent dominions: India and Pakistan. 

The act was based on the Mountbatten Plan, which proposed the partition of British India into two separate nations. 

The Act formally ended British sovereignty over India, transferring all powers previously held by the British government to the newly formed dominions. 

Hence, the Govt of India inherited the geography, land and people and the issue of subjugation does not come.  

To claim that the Nagas had completely rejected the idea to join India or Burma is only a matter of interpretation and not an evidence of proof per se.  

Here we must add  other elements to the debate. 

After 1947, Nagaland as a province (prior to granting of statehood) never really posed a challenge to the Sovereignty of India. 

Yes, there was insurgency no doubt and there were poll related violence. These are happening even today not only in Nagaland or north east. 

But the scenario in Kashmir was totally different. It is more often alleged or claimed that first genuine and free and fair state assembly polls in Kashmir were possible only in 1977 when Morarji Desai was the Prime Minister.

Election time has always turned out to be festive occasions in Nagaland. 

Document submitted to the Simon Commission does not give any indication that Nagas were clamouring for Independence.

So some claims made otherwise fall flat on their own. 

ends 

Pakistan's policy for 'self destruction' has been massive and decisive ::::: "Pak army has captured state apparatus and captured the state's resources as well"

 It is something we can rejoice but there has to be a cautious line too as the neighbour's destruction even from a middle-class sentiment often can bring bigger disaster.  

India's  Operation Sindoor has left them bleeding and economically red. Two Indian states Tamil Nadu and Mahasrashtra have higher State Domestic Product than Pakistan. 

Three other states Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and Karnataka will get ahead of Pakistan by the end of December 2025 or March 2026. 

 

So we know where they stand as a nation. The biggest challenge for Pakistan army to garner resources and diverted from other heads of governance budget is certain critical. 

"It is important to expose this," says India's Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh adding such military flip flop and economic misgovernance have put Pakistan behind Bangladesh in economic term.

Answering questions at an event, he said, "Deterrent works for Pakistan only for a time... after that they go for further provocation. I won't rule out anything".

The defence secretary was asked about the sequence of events during the recent four-day military confrontation between India and Pakistan that was eventually halted after the two sides arrived at an understanding on May 10, leading to a cessation of hostilities.

He said the Pakistani army came forward for tele talks with Indian DGMO on May 9th, “asking for a call from the DGMO, which they had earlier refused even to take”.

“And it was clear at that stage that they were in the process of capitulating essentially. And this was in the morning of May 9. So even before the announcement was made (on May 10), we all knew that this was going to happen. And this is what happened. The DGMO spoke and they essentially asked for a ceasefire,” he added.

The defence secretary was speaking at a session hosted at the “CNN News 18 Town Hall: The Defence Edition”.

Operation Sindoor was launched by India on May 6-7 night in retaliation for the April 22 Pahalgam massacre of Hindu tourists.

India in effect conducted precision strikes on several terror-infrastructure sites in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK).

The Pakistani military had targeted Indian military installations and civilian areas.

Indian counter-offensives damaged key air bases of Pakistan including the Noor Khan and Rahim Yar Khan. 

To a question, he said, "It is true they (Pakistan army) has captured the state apparatus and captured the state's resources as well". 

In fact, Pakistan army chief Munir is chairman of an investment facilitation cell in Pakistan and thereby he decides on the economic matters too. 

"It is a very different kind of a state (nation)," Singh said in reference to Pakistan adding "obviously they are able to divert resources from their economy....If my memory is correct they have gone through 24 IMF bailout packages and their GDP is about one-tenth of ours".  

Bhaswati Mukherjee

(a former diplomat) writes in 'Indian Express'

Until 26/11, under the UPA, India faced at least seven major terror attacks: Delhi (October 2005 and September 2008), Mumbai (July 2006), Samjhauta Express (February 2007), Hyderabad (August 2007), Jaipur (May 2008), and Ahmedabad (July 2008). 

These were linked to Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed, and ISI-backed groups, striking at the heart of our cities. More than 2,000 citizens were killed between 2005 and 2008 due to cross-border terrorism.

The 26/11 attacks shattered India’s image as a secure nation. The response — widely documented — was incoherent. The then cabinet secretary, in his book, cited a fragmented security apparatus that failed to respond coherently. The then foreign secretary and later national security adviser concluded after “sober reflection” that “more was to be gained from not attacking Pakistan than from attacking it”. 

Yet, it is hard to see what was gained, or to credibly argue that any favourable developments were contingent on it.

To those on the outside, India appeared to be a soft state. Let us also not forget that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s foolhardy joint statement with then Pakistan prime minister Yusuf Raza Gilani at Sharm el-Sheikh in 2009 effectively shifted the Balochistan issue from a problem of Pakistan’s own making to one allegedly fuelled by India in international eyes. It was against this litany of missteps that the minister underscored the Modi government’s contrasting approach.

PM Modi came to office in 2014 with a vision of integrating South Asia into a cooperative space where trade was enhanced and regional problems were resolved collectively. 

This aligned with the “Neighbourhood First” policy introduced by the UPA in 2008, demonstrating foreign policy continuity — a notable tradition in Indian statecraft. The aim was peace through reduced cross-border terror. 

The attempts to build ties with Pakistan stemmed from this logic. However, the Pathankot attack in January 2016 was the final straw, hardening the PM’s stance on Pakistan. (It is also worth noting that the attack was planned before Modi’s surprise trip to Pakistan — thus undermining the ironic significance that Katju wishes to confer on the trip.)

Since then, PM Modi’s shift from conciliation to decisive action has been clear. The scale and publicity of the 2016 surgical strikes, the 2019 Balakot airstrike after Pulwama, and now the simultaneous destruction of terror targets deep inside Pakistan after Pahalgam all underline this transformation. 

Each action was measured, non-escalatory, and focused on terrorist infrastructure, while signalling growing costs to Pakistan’s establishment. India has evolved from a nation fearful of unattended bags in public places to one where susceptible youth think twice before aligning with extremist outfits.

ends 

"Necessity is the mother of invention" is the most appropriate words to describe the causes for the demand of a separate Union Territory for Barak Valley

#Barak valley #Assam #Cachar #Muslims #Hailakandi #Karmganj 

"Necessity is the mother of invention" - is the most appropriate words to describe the causes for the demand of a separate Union Territory for Barak Valley," says a letter written recently addressed to the Govt of India to ventilate the demand.  

Historical grievances and the need for greater autonomy are generally attributed as principal factors for the demand. A separate state or administration for Bengali-dominated Cachar region or Barak Valley in Assam has a recurring issue.

On the face value, "linguistic and cultural differences and alleged neglect/discrimination by the state government in Dispur (Guwahati)"  are also cited from time to time.

It is the pre-election season for the big battle of Assam in 2026 and hence the issue has been flagged off yet again.

The proposed state or a new administrative region would encompass the three southern Assam districts of Cachar, Hailakandi, and Karimganj, along with parts of tribal-dominated Dima Hasao. 

Organizations like the Barak Democratic Front have actively advocated for this demand.

 

River Barak and nature 

Blogger - BJP Govt built New Bridge at Silchar working as a blessing 

The Barak Valley is located in the southern most part of Assam and is one of the oldest districts (named Cachar) of the state. 

The District of Cachar (now Barak Valley) is bounded by hills on all sides, on the north by North Cachar Hills district and Barail Range, Mizoram state on the South, State of Manipur on the East, Tripura and Bangladesh on the West. Topographically, Barak Valley is heterogeneous composed of high hills, low lands and plains. Vast tracks in the southern part of the valley are covered with forests. 

For those interested, the two major rivers Barak and Kushiara along with nineteen other tributaries and rivulets flow through the valley.

The letter - apparently that has also reached PMO and Union Home Ministry - alleges that the Barak Valley has been subjected to utter discrimination in all matters. It has never found any place in the Five year's Planning or in the area development packages so far announced by the Union Government. 

"Electoral politics has played its role in economic discrimination to the Valley". 

The strongest call for a new administration was heard in the Valley since the famous Bengali language movement of 1960s, where 11  Bengalis laid down their lives to protect Bengali language and culture in the valley.

Way back in 1954, the Cachar States Reorganisation Committee had submitted a memorandum to the States Reorganisation Commission for the creation of new state of Purbachal.

Another letter was sent in 1955.

But in 1955 itself the State Reorganization Commission in a report maintained that the idea of a 'separate state' in Barak valley did not have much merit because at that time its natural resources were not adequate, the population of Barak Valley was very less to meet requirements of separate statehood.

Moreover, the total area was also less than the neighbouring erstwhile districts of Assam such as – Naga Hills, Khasi Hills, Jaintia Hills and Garo Hills (in Meghalaya) and also Lushai Hills which later was carved out as a separate state of Mizoram. 

On 28th December 2023, the Barak Democratic Front chief convener Pradeep Dutta Roy "challenged" the state government to conduct a referendum and claimed that if 90% of people vote against separation, they would withdraw the demand.

On 2 April 2024, the Subarnakhand Rashtriya Samiti, another organization  in the Valley, also called for the establishment of a separate Barak Valley state. 

Mere demands would not result division of Assam. 

As compared to rest of Assam, the unemployment rate in Barak Valley is also high and is one of the main reasons behind the massive migration of its youth to other parts of India in search of livelihood. 

Barak Valley job applicants in grade III and IV recruitment are victims of severe discrimination.

On Nov 18, 2022, a Bandh was organized by Barak Democratic Front in to 'protest' the deprivation of unemployed youths of the valley in the Class III and IV job recruitment process. 

But nothing have been solved. 

"On 27th April 2007 and 16th May 2015, the Cachar Sugar Mill and Cachar Paper Mill, the only two major Industries in Barak Valley, were closed down by the State government without any valid reasons. This closure ultimately led to severe unemployment and economic crisis in the valley, as those industries were the major contributors to GDP after agriculture," goes another refrain from a young student in Silchar.

The Poverty rate in Barak Valley is high as compared to mainland Brahmaputra Valley region of Assam. 

As per NITI Aayog, almost half of the population of the valley is living in dire poverty without having proper access to food, electricity and safe drinking water etc. 

In terms of Multidimensional Poverty, the three districts of Barak Valley have featured among the poorest of districts in the state. 

As per reports, about 51% of the Hailakandi's population, 42.37% of the Cachar's population and 46.02% of Karimganj's population are living under abject poverty.

ends 

"Nagaland is going through a very very critical phase...," says Meghalaya CM and NPP chief Conrad Sangma :::::: There is no friend as loyal as a book

#Nagaland #Meghalaya #ConradSangma #NeiphiuRio #BJP #Congress 

#Northeast  

NPP chief and Meghalaya Chief Minister Conrad Sangma seems to have taken up a role not many Naga legislators or even civil society leaders were keen to touch upon.

Now whether his June 27th evening speech at Kohima was just part of rhetoric or a reflection of sincere efforts will be known only sometime later.

Some of it lies in the womb of time and also how the Naga leaders in his own party carry out. The NPP got a booster lately as a number of key leaders from BJP and the Congress joined his outfit.

But in Nagaland, the refrain in a lighter vein is nothing moves without Bolero and there is a mighty source to supply that in plenty. That could be a challenge but not something which cannot be defeated.

The BJP could have easily done that; but when it comes to Nagaland, the Lotus party is clearly displaying the absence of 'killer instinct' as a 'neo-defector' from BJP into NPP -- James Vizo has also stated.

The joining exercise into NPP was a surprising thing but refreshing because Naga socio-political leadership has entered an era of silence and stagnancy.

Conrad made a critical statement. 

"Nagaland is going through a very very critical phase I think I don't have to tell you in details...". I do not consider these words as complimentary remarks for friendly political parties the NDPP and BJP.

Sangma also said:

"You know what I am talking about... things are going through  .... we may see that in the coming years more opportunities will come". Ting Tong.

Ding Dong bell..... netas may have fallen into well. 

Meghalaya Chief Minister further said: "Every single drop adds to the ocean...I am not saying you are a drop (for new comers into his party) ... 

"I am saying you are much more than that".

He said - When we look at Manipur situation massive change has taken place. 

He also said - "...as we speak the political dynamics is changing very fast.... the national parties which were appearing as alternatives are disappearing in one way. The regional fronts are not able to come up to the level people are expecting them to come up. Options that are there are limited, question is how we take advantage of that".

He sounds ambitious and a bit realistic also about the need for regional parties to do something together.

Most regional parties including NDPP in Nagaland and MNF in Mizoram and also NPP (of Conrad) are part of BJP-led NEDA. And not so curiously the NEDA was once given out as a 'baby' for Himanta Biswa Sarma. 

Conrad also stated that - "Similarly in Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh and Tripura I can tell you a lot of things are happening". 

As a smart political star with the animal instinct he said - "In all these political maneuver that is taking place there is a huge opportunity for a party that is able to represent the north east as its voice".

But he underlined the need for any political party to "connect with the roots". 

His observations are critical yet again. The BJP in Nagaland believes - let us play passive second fiddle and let the elder brother decide how even our kitchen should run or may not run at all.

From Nagaland's perspective, the NDPP believes the Status quo and Status quo working formula are the best ways. Everything is manageable !  

In contrast the NPP is urging party colleagues to take up matters "related to public". 

This is something not happening in Nagaland for long. 

The NPP election symbol is book. The power of book is generally latent. 

A book is a 'gift' you can open again and again. I know in today's world -- books are also to be sold to 'raddi wallahs'. 

The Naga leaders of NPP will have to make up their mind.  They may take a pause and also reflect upon a very old saying --- there is no friend as loyal as a book.

The hands may get dirty, the cock may stop crowing, the lotus may be misplaced in a closed box and the globe may at times show you only the other side of the world.  

My message should end here. 

ends