The self-interest of a community — Muslims — was apparently hit by PM Nrendra Modi’s culture of politics and the politics of culture he tried.
The opposition narratives and media analyses framed these reported differences as a deep leadership tussle or a clash over future political succession.
There were other facets.
The self-interest of a community — Muslims — was apparently hit by Modi’s culture of politics and the politics of culture he tried.
Developments, houses for the poor, including Muslims, good roads and toilets did not matter. Muslims united to vote for the Trinamool Congress in West Bengal and the Samajwadi Party in Uttar Pradesh.
This was not communal. But Hindus voting for the Ram temple was communal?
Do not miss the rejoicing in a Pakistani newspaper headline that described Nitish Kumar and N. Chandrababu Naidu as “pro-Muslim” leaders.
Why did the BJP lose Ayodhya and Faizabad? Why did UP voters simply turn anti-BJP and anti-Modi-Yogi? Perhaps more importantly, why could BJP strategists led by Amit Shah and supervised by the prime minister not read the missive of people’s angst?
The Times of India said: “Nothing Shines forever — Not even Brand Modi.”
The BJP and Yogi took some corrective steps in by-elections later, but overall, the 2027 battle will be tough.
The bigger question remains: Can Yogi Adityanath make 2027 “the year of my life”? And, beyond Uttar Pradesh, what could be the next destination of India’s most talked-about chief minister?
The bigger question remains: Can Yogi Adityanath make 2027 “the year of my life”? And, beyond Uttar Pradesh, what could be the next destination of India’s most talked-about chief minister?
With Uttar Pradesh heading towards a crucial 2027 Assembly election, a third consecutive victory could strengthen Yogi Adityanath’s position within the BJP and sharpen speculation over his larger national role.
Saffron-clad Yogi Adityanath, born Ajay Singh Bisht in 1972, is 54 years old. That means he is 22 years younger than Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who was born on Sept. 17, 1950.
In 2017 and in several elections after March 2017, Adityanath emerged as the new face of the BJP. There was a problem associated with that. He perhaps became a “direct competitor” to Amit Shah, now a trusted lieutenant of the “numero uno” of Indian politics, Narendra Modi.
Even if both leaders have not said anything about being rivals to one another, the media is convinced they are.
For long playing up caste cards to the hilt, Mayawati’s BSP and Akhilesh Yadav-led Samajwadi Party dominated the political mind space in Uttar Pradesh.
Even the defeats of 2017 and 2022 did not change their politics. But in the 2022 Assembly polls and later in the elections to urban local bodies, the Lotus party came out with flying colours.
The BJP managed to pick up 55 of the 147 seats reserved for OBCs.
Akhilesh Yadav also failed to win over non-Yadav OBC votes, and the saffron outfit decided to work well in the Yadav heartland and other areas.
Take another set of statistics.
Out of 82 SC-reserved seats for chairpersons in Nagar Panchayats, the BJP won a maximum of 37, followed by the SP with 14, while Mayawati-led BSP could win only five seats.
It is also worth noting that among OBC candidates fielded by political parties for Nagar Panchayat chairperson seats, 90 of the BJP’s nominees were elected. Independents won 83.
Out of the 545 Nagar Panchayat chairperson seats, Samajwadi Party candidates won 38, while Mayawati’s BSP got only 23.
Of the 90 OBC candidates of the BJP, 27 were elected in unreserved seats.Politics
Adityanath is the chief priest of the state’s famed Gorakhnath temple in Gorakhpur, the region where he wields considerable political influence, perhaps also because of his hard-line views on Hindu religion and practice.
But Yogi and the BJP suffered a major setback in the 2024 parliamentary polls. One issue was joblessness among the middle class. Narratives were sold.
A decade before the crucial 2014 polls, the BJP had promised that jobs would be a top priority. Yet unemployment has barely budged despite India being the world’s fastest-growing major economy.
Four-fifths of the unemployed were young people, according to surveys in 2024.
It was also alleged that more working-age women were employed that year as a percentage of the workforce in Nepal and Bangladesh than in India.
The BJP’s detractors sold another powerful line: The fruits of growth were landing in the lap of India’s rich, drawn almost exclusively from the country’s upper castes who back the BJP.
The Lotus party, a state leader said, had reports that workers in several constituencies, including Kairana, Muzaffarnagar, Fatehpur Sikri, Mohanlalganj, Pratapgarh, Kaushambi, Allahabad, Faizabad and Jaunpur, were not happy with the choice of candidates. But the objections were overlooked.
The argument was that Modi’s magic would help sail the boat. It did not. In contrast, Akhilesh Yadav choreographed his Samajwadi Party’s election strategy around the theme of ...
“Roti, Kapada sasti ho and Dawai Pani muft ho” — people should get affordable food, clothing and free medicine and water. And it gave dividends.
Perceived friction between Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Amit Shah became a major talking point after the electoral setbacks, notably after the BJP’s reduced tally in Uttar Pradesh.
The opposition narratives and media analyses framed these reported differences as a deep leadership tussle or a clash over future political succession.
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| Naga Christian Voters : Can they vote for Yogi |
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