Muslims in West Bengal :::: It all started in 1971 .... it was later encouraged by 'appeasement' under Left and then Mamata :::: West Bengal, like Assam, seems to be witnessing a quickening of the process of change in religious demography :::: Muslim presence could reach pre-Partition level !!

The state of West Bengal and Muslims in terms of mutual relationships often present a bundle of contradictions.

Among the 42 Muslim majority sub-districts -- Muslims have a presence of nearly 90 percent in three; 

their share is above 80 percent in another seven, 

between 75 and 80 percent in eleven. 

When it comes to election strategies; the RSS focuses on consolidating the Hindu vote, which has been observed in constituencies with large Muslim populations in various elections across India.

Recently, the BJP in West Bengal has also attempted a "Muslim outreach". New BJP state president Samik Bhattacharya says - "Marchhey musalman, morchhey musalman (If Muslims are indulging in violence; the maximum casualty is also among Muslims only) 

A few BJP leaders argue that Muslims do not vote for the BJP in large numbers anyway, but others suggest the party is simply clarifying it is only against "infiltrators" and not "rashtravadi (nationalist) Indian Muslims".

Enough might have been written about Muslims in Gujarat - especially due to post-Godhra mayhem of 2002. Enough studies have been made about Muslims in Uttar Pradesh too -- the state that sends as many as 80 lawmakers to the Lok Sabha. 

And polarisation has more often ruled the roost. At present the state is being ruled by a Hindu-monk politician -- Yogi Adityanath and his admirers say the chief minister has steered the province out of the 'BIMARU' bracket.

It is not without good reason that one may say West Bengal, like Assam, seems to be witnessing a quickening of the process of change in religious demography.

Muslims constitute about 27% of West Bengal's population (as of 2011 Census).

** But current estimates suggest a higher percentage (30-33%) with growth projected to continue. 

The impact of the 'partial transfer of populations' that occurred in West Bengal and some adjoining areas at the time of Partition is likely to be completely negated.

The Muslim presence in the state could reach the pre-Partition level soon. 

*** The challenges for the community and governance are rooted in historical and structural factors, and inadequate policy implementation. 

Key problems include lower literacy rates and educational backwardness.

These contribute to socio-economic disadvantages. But certain things are debated intensely as influx from neighbouring Bangladesh continued unabated for years.

During 2001-11, Muslims have grown by 21.8 percent compared to the decadal growth of 

10.8 percent registered by the Hindus.

Muslims have a significant presence of at least 10 percent everywhere in West Bengal, except in Darjeeling, Bankura and Purulia districts. 

But their presence and growth is particularly high in two regions-- 

* Dinajpur-Maldah-Murshidabad-Birbhum region lying to the west of Rangpur and Rajshahi Divisions of Bangladesh 

** And in 24-Parganas-Kolkata-Haora region lying to the west of Khulna. 

Muslims now form a majority in the former.

Their share in the population there is estimated 52 percent.

In 1951, it was less than 40 percent and around 48 percent in 1941, before Partition. 

In West Bengal, the share of Muslims in the population has risen by 7.5 % since Independence and Partition.

Notably, much of this accretion has occurred after 1971. 

Proportion of Muslims in the state was 19.5 percent in 1991 and 20.5 percent in 1971 ... it has reached 27 plus now. 

Their share before Partition was around or less than 30 percent. 

During Partition, this region did not witness as complete a transfer of populations unlike the northwest.

However, Muslims still lost about one-third of their share. Much of that loss has now been made up, and observers say the share of Muslims in West Bengal is likely to soon reach the pre-Partition levels.

The vulnerable region forms part of an eastern border belt of very high Muslim presence and growth that stretches to Purnia and Santhal Pargana regions of Bihar and Jharkhand on the west and to Lower and North Assam on the east. 

Muslims now form a majority in this whole belt, and there are large pockets within it, where they have an overwhelming majority.

The share of Muslims in 24-Parganas-Kolkata-Haora pocket is now near 28 percent; it was 19.6 percent in 1951 and 20.6 percent in 1971. In 1941, it was nearer 27 percent.

West Bengal, like Assam, seems to be witnessing a quickening of the process of change in religious demography that has picked up pace since 1971.

In 2011, of the total population of 9.13 crore counted in West Bengal -- about 6.44 crore were Hindus, 2.47 crore Muslims and 6.6 lakh Christians. 

There are 9.4 lakh persons counted under the category of ORP (Other religions and persuasions).

These belong mainly to the tribes of Bankura, Purulia and Pashchimi Medinipur, many of whom are counted as followers of Sari Dharma, similar to Sarna Dharma of neighbouring Jharkhand. 

West Bengal had 2.83 lakh Buddhists in 2011; of these 2.60 lakhs wee in the districts of Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri. Besides them, there are 63.5 thousand Sikhs and 60 thousand Jains. 

Widening gap between the growth of Hindus and Muslims

Growth Gap in Hindus and Muslims

Year Decadal Growth% Relative Gap in %

                 Hindu Muslim

1951-61 32.63    36.48

1961-71 25.75 29.76

1971-81 21.37 29.55

1981-91 21.09 36.89

1991-01 14.23 25.91

2001-11 10.81 21.81

This comparison may be very relevant. In Assam, the growth of Hindus during this decade has been very similar at 10.9 percent.

But Muslims have grown at a much higher rate of 29.6 percent. 

Yet the gap between the two growth rates is rather wide in West Bengal; the decadal growth of Muslims during 2001-11 has been 102 percent above that of Hindus. 

This gap has remained fairly wide and has kept widening since 1971-81. 

High accretion to the share of Muslims

The share of Muslims during 2001-11 increased from 25.25 to 27.01 percent marking an accretion of 1.77 percentage points. 

This quantum of accretion is the fourth largest in India after Assam, Kerala and Uttarakhand.

The accretion in the share of Muslims during 2001-11 has been of 3.31 (Assam), 2.03 (Kerala) and 1.87 percentage points in Uttarakhand.

Compared to the average national accretion of 0.8 points, the increase in West Bengal is indeed very large.

Born Hindu - 'political conversion' ??

This high level of accretion to the Muslim share has continued for four decades after 1971. Their share in the State has increased 

from 19.5 percent in 1951 and 

20.5 percent in 1971 to 27 percent in 2011.

They had a share of about or less than 30 percent throughout the pre-Independence period. 

At the time of Partition, the transfer of populations in this part of India  was much less intense than in the northwest. But the share of Muslims in the State had declined by about 10 percentage points. 

Muslims have already recovered about 70 percent of this decline.

Distribution of Muslims across different regions of West Bengal  ::

Muslims have a high presence in -

Uttar Dinajpur, Dakshin Dinajpur, Maldah, Murshidabad and Birbhum districts that lie on the west of Rangpur and Rajshahi divisions of Bangladesh.

And also in North and South 24 Parganas, Kolkata -- not far from Khulna.

In 2011 ::

There are 99.65 lakh, or nearly a crore, Muslims in Uttar Dinajpur, Dakshin Dinajpur, Maldah, Murshidabad and Birbhum 

** About 76.85 lakh in North and South 24 Parganas and Kolkata

In Nadia, the Muslim presence was around 26.8 percent. 

Muslim share in some regions of the state remained nearly unchanged during 1951-61, and rose by about 1 percentage point in each of the following two decades. 

But in the three decades since 1981, however, their share has risen by more than 6 percentage points. 

Blogger 

ends 

"Value of defence imports from Russia was demonstrated during Operation Sindoor" -- Congress MP, Shashi Tharoor :::: Moscow-based expert says - “Russia is no longer anxious about the risks of political isolation"

Putin says India-Russia cooperation is not aimed against anyone, including US

Has the “no-limits partnership” between Moscow and Beijing has rattled India ?

On Russian President Vladimir Putin’s India visit, Congress MP Shashi Tharoor said:

"It's hugely significant. It is a crucial relationship, and has been for a long time. In today's rather turbulent world, where so many relationships have become uncertain, it becomes important to shore up the ones we have. 

No one should misunderstand that this will affect our relationships with other countries, because India has the capacity to have independent relationships with different governments. 

"We are a nation that has always believed in sovereign autonomy. Our autonomy to decide our friendships, our partnerships and our national interests is encoded in our DNA. The value of Russian friendship has been proven in recent years, particularly in two domains. 

"We've had a lot of oil and gas from Russia in recent years, and the value of defence imports from Russia was demonstrated once again during Operation Sindoor when the S-400 protected us from a number of Pakistani missiles that were targeting our cities, including Delhi... ". 

"If agreements come through during this meeting, that's part of strengthening a vital relationship, which in my mind, does not come at the expense of relations with America or China...", he said.

“Russia is no longer anxious about the risks of political isolation.”

Petr Topychkanov, Moscow-based senior researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, said that for Russia, “the importance of this visit lies primarily in the fact that it is happening at all”.

“It will signal that Russia is returning to something resembling normal international relations,” said Topychkanov.   

India’s relationship with Russia goes back to the cold war and has remained deeply entrenched since then, with Russia remaining India’s biggest defence supplier. It is an alliance that was long-tolerated by western governments, even after Putin’s actions in Ukraine, but Trump’s return to the White House has signalled a markedly different approach.

Over the past three years, the US and Europe turned a blind eye as India became one of the largest buyers of cheap Russian oil, despite sanctions in the west. 

But after the US president’s peacemaking efforts in Ukraine failed earlier this year, Trump began to accuse India of bankrolling Russia’s invasion. 

He publicly put pressure on Delhi to halt its Russian oil purchases, which culminated in a punishing additional 25% punitive US tariff on Indian imports.

For India, thus there are even greater stakes at play. 

As Aparna Pande, director of the India and south Asia initiative at the Hudson Institute, put it, Delhi is currently grappling with its most unfavourable geopolitical climate in years, thanks to “a semi-isolationist America, a weaker Russia and a very powerful China”.  (The Guardian) 

In a notable sign of the tightrope India has to walk, on the eve of Putin’s arrival a joint opinion piece by the French ambassador, German high commissioner and UK high commissioner to India was published in the Times of India, titled “Russia doesn’t seem serious about peace”.

It prompted a stinging response from India’s foreign ministry, which said it was “not an acceptable diplomatic practice to give public advice on India’s relations with a third country”.

India has returned to its default mode of “hedging” in its unorthodox alliances, write two experts for 'The Guardian' (London) - 

Hannah Ellis-Petersen and Pjotr Sauer.

India has thus signaled to the US it has multiple options and waiting to see where everything will fall.

The last meeting between Putin and Modi was just three months ago, alongside Chinese premier Xi Jinping, where the three leaders were pictured holding hands and sharing jokes – optics that prompted fury from Trump.

Yet India has other pressing priorities in its engagement with Russia, namely the vast superpower that sits along its febrile north and north-eastern border. “From the Indian side – for all the talk of Russian being a great and loyal friend – the real reason that relationship is important is geography,” said Pande.

But,  China remains the greatest threat to India for the foreseeable future and since the Soviet Union, India has always relied on Russia as a continental balancer against China.

The increasingly close, “no-limits partnership” between Moscow and Beijing has rattled India, said Pande, and left them hoping to find a way to “prevent Russia from ever getting too close to China and ensure it can count on Moscow to put some pressure on the Chinese”.

It has also prompted India to try to move away from its dependence on Russia, particularly on defence. 

For decades, about 70% of Indian defence purchases came from Russia but in the past four years, this has reduced to less than 40%.

The sale of weapons and planes – in particular Russian S-400 air defence systems and the Sukhoi Su-57 fighter aircraft – will probably be a key component of Modi and Putin’s talks.

India will also try to strike a balance; 

-- keep purchasing enough Russia weapons to retain the alliance, 

but 

not be so dependent that if Russia suddenly cut off supplies under China’s pressure. 

ends 

Putin lands in Delhi ... .... "a powerful global message that India, Russia will not be cowed by US pressure" ::::: Modi-Russian Prez hug ... moves in same car ::::: Defence Minister Rajnath Singh meets Russian counterpart Andrei Belousov :::: 'Welcome Putin' written with diyas during Ganga Aarti in Varanasi

Against turbulent geopolitical backdrop, analysts say the significance of Russian President Vladimir Putin travelling to India to meet Narendra Modi has both a major symbolic value of the enduring relationship between the countries and also 

.... a powerful global message that neither would be cowed by US pressure.

The summit comes at a critical juncture for both countries. Putin arrives in Delhi after rejecting the latest Ukraine peace proposal proposed by the US, confident that recent advances by Russian forces on the battlefield have strengthened his hand.

Petr Topychkanov, Moscow-based senior researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, said that for Russia, “the importance of this visit lies primarily in the fact that it is happening at all”.

PM Narendra Modi tweets, 

"Delighted to welcome my friend, President Putin to India. Looking forward to our interactions later this evening and tomorrow. India-Russia friendship is a time-tested one that has greatly benefitted our people."

PM Modi is hosting a private dinner for Vladimir Putin on Thursday evening, in a reciprocal gesture to the hospitality extended to him the Russian President in Moscow in July 2024. 

Maxim Oreshkin, Deputy Chief of Staff in the Russian Presidential Executive Office, says : 

"President Putin and Prime Minister Modi have set the target of 100 billion USD by 2030. So this is the target we are working on. And we believe that the key source of this and that increase will come from India's export in goods and services going to Russia."

2001 : Vajpayee-led Indian delegation to Russia had Gujarat CM Modi as well 

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh tweets, 

: "Delighted to meet with the Russian Defence Minister Andrei Belousov in New Delhi. 

India-Russia relationship is based on a deep sense of trust, common values and mutual respect, which are the defining principles of the special and privileged strategic partnership, between both countries. 

"India is determined for expanding capacity of indigenous defence industry for both local production and exports, under the aegis of ‘Atma Nirbhar Bharat’. I also laid emphasis on exploring new opportunities for enhancing collaboration between both the counties across niche technologies."

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and his Russian counterpart co-chair the 22nd India-Russia Inter-Governmental Commission on Military & Military Technical Cooperation in New Delhi

 

Both sides reiterate that India-Russia ties are based on a deep sense of trust, common principles & mutual respect. Rajnath Singh stresses on new opportunities to enhance collaboration across niche technologies

 

Russian Defence Industry is ready to support India towards becoming self-reliant in defence production, says Andrei Belousov

'Welcome Putin' written with diyas during the Ganga Aarti being performed in Varanasi.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has arrived in Delhi. President Putin is on a two-day State visit to India. He will hold the 23rd India-Russia Annual Summit with PM Narendra Modi in Delhi on December 5.

Russian President Vladimir Putin on Thursday night kick-started a nearly 27-hour visit to India to further shore up a nearly eight-decade bilateral partnership that remained on firm footing notwithstanding the fractious geopolitical environment and tensions.

In reflection of the importance India attached to the visit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi received Putin at New Delhi's Palam airport with a hug and accorded him a warm welcome to India after a gap of four years.

The two leaders left the airport in the same car, nearly three months after they travelled together in a vehicle in the Chinese city of Tianjin following the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit.

"Please be realistic" ... Swaraj Kaushal had told NSCN-IM leader Muivah :::: Swaraj Kaushal no more :: He handled Naga peace talks in 1998-99 ::: He was former Mizoram Governor

#SwarajKaushal no more .... 

"Brother, you have the maturity and understanding. Please be realistic..." -- Swaraj Kaushal had told NSCN-IM leader Thuingaleng Muivah in 2020

#Delhi CM #RekhaGupta expresses condolences on the demise of former #Mizoram #Governor. He was husband of Late #SushmaSwaraj ".. my deepest condolences are with Member of Parliament #BansuriSwaraj Ji and all their family members".  

He was 'first' interlocutor to Naga peace talks appointed in 1998 when #Vajpayee was PM

Daughter Bansuri Swaraj and 'dad' Swaraj Kaushal 

"You have maturity, Please be realistic" - Swaraj Kaushal's advice to Naga leader Muivah ..... 

..... in 2020

Former Mizoram Governor Swaraj Kaushal, who was the first peace interlocutor in Naga talks in 1998, 

on Oct 17, had urged NSCN-IM leader Thuingaleng Muivah to be 'realistic' and said the latter should not press for demands such as Flag and a separate Naga Constitution. 

"Brother, you have maturity and understanding. Please be realistic and not press for such demands. Please live and prosper in a democracy. 

Everything in this country (India) belongs to the people," Kaushal wrote in a series of tweets. 

"The symbols of sovereignty namely, separate constitution, flag, currency, defence and foreign affairs are sacrosanct and never negotiable," he said and also pointed out that such media interviews at the fag end of over two-decades old peace parleys would serve little purpose. 

"I have seen my brother T. Muivah’s interview to a digital media. Was this interview necessary ? I think ‘No’. 

Will this interview help you or your organisation ? I think ‘No’," said Kaushal emphatically in response to NSCN (IM) general secretary's interview to a 'controversial' website wherein he insists on the twin demands of a separate Flag and Constitution for Nagas. 

The Naga rebel group NSCN (IM) is in parleys with the Government of India since 1997 and the parleys have progressed under all governments headed by different Prime Ministers - I K Gujral, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Manmohan Singh and 

Narendra Modi.

In reference to Muivah's outburst against the then Nagaland Governor and peace interlocutor R N Ravi, Swaraj Kaushal had said -

"You are angry with Governor Ravi. You say he has ‘betrayed’ you. You say ‘he has thrown us away’ and “he is acting at the behest of the Union home ministry.” 

Please appreciate, Mr. R.N.Ravi is an interlocutor appointed by the Union Home Ministry. 

He cannot act on his own. He is bound to act at the behest of the Union Home Ministry. What is wrong with that ?" 

Kaushal, also husband of Late Union Minister Sushma Swaraj, further says - "I ask myself a simple question. 

"Can an interlocutor go beyond his brief ? My answer is ‘No, Never.’  Your answer should also be the same. Then why blame Mr R N Ravi in the media ?" 

Questioning the rationale behind media interview at a time when the peace parleys are at the fag end, former Mizoram Governor said. 

"Have such interviews ever built a consensus ? I think No. Then how do such interviews help ?" 

"Brother, when you get very angry, reason flies out of the window. And that is precisely what happened here," he opined.

Kaushal had urged the NSCN (IM) and Muivah to "rise to the occasion now" and cautions otherwise - "the settlement will elude us for many years".

"Brother, you have the maturity and understanding. Please be realistic and not press for such demands. 

Please live and prosper in a democracy. Everything in this country belongs to the people. The state and the government are their trustees," the former Governor wrote in the micro blogging site.

The issues related to Naga insurgency dates back to pre-independence era. 

Nagaland attained statehood in 1963 after signing of a 16 Point Agreement.

Originally led by A Zapu Phizo, the Naga National Council split a number of times especially after the 1970s.

The NSCN (Isak Muivah) faction for long was led by Late Isak Chishi Swu and Muivah. Swu, the former chairman of NSCN (IM) breathed his last in 2016.

The peace talk is now like hanging fire and the status quo club with a powerful section of overground politicians are busy derailing and delaying the final peace and Solution pact. 

Ends 

Govt counters Rahul Gandhi's "charge" that he was not allowed to meet Russian President Putin :::: "It is up to visiting delegation to organise meetings outside Govt"

On Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi's allegations that the government is not following the tradition of allowing foreign dignitaries to meet the LoP,  Govt Sources said - 

 "During a visit, MEA organises meetings for the incoming dignitary with Government officials and Government bodies. 

It is up to the visiting delegation to organise meetings outside the Government.

Since 9th June 2024, the following leaders have met the Leader of the opposition, Rahul Gandhi --

 

* Former Prime Minister of Bangladesh Sheikh Hasina on 10 June, 2024 

** Prime Minister of Vietnam Pham Minh Ching on 1 Aug 2024 

** Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia on 21 August 2024 

++ Prime Minister of Mauritius Navinchandra Ramgoolam on 16 September 2025 and 

** Prime Minister of New Zealand Christopher Luxon on 8 March 2025."

Reshaping global geopolitics ..... Putin to join Narendra Modi for intense discussions in Delhi :::: Whatever happens next, the eyes of the world will remain on Putin’s visit to India

Though the West continued to pressure India to distance itself from Moscow, New Delhi refused. Russia, for its part, has continued to back India.

All these happening when China is also trying to deepen its grip over Eurasia. 

For Russia, weapons sales to India are another priority and have been since Soviet times. India plans to purchase state-of-the-art Russian fighter jets and air defence systems.  Russia, hit by a labour shortage, also sees India as a valuable source of skilled workers.

There's geopolitics. 

The Kremlin enjoys demonstrating that Western efforts to isolate it over the war in Ukraine have failed. Flying to India and meeting Prime Minister Modi is one way of doing that.

So is travelling to China and holding talks with Xi Jinping, as Putin did three months ago. He met Modi on the same trip. 

The image of the Putin, Xi Jinping and India smiling and chatting together sent a clear message that, despite the war in Ukraine, Moscow has powerful allies who support the concept of a "multi-polar world".

Russia has said that every independent nation should be free to choose its own trading partner. Indeed, Putin just last month praised India’s decision to resist the West’s entreaties not to buy Russian crude as “self-reliant and dignified”. 

New Delhi too has pointed to the hypocrisy of the West, particularly America, which continues to have its own dealings with Russia in the aftermath of the Ukraine war.

PM Narendra Modi - despite coming under intense pressure from Western governments to criticise Russia over its war in Ukraine, has always maintained that dialogue was the only way to resolve the conflict.

This was India's "strategic autonomy" at play – with Modi occupying a particular place in the geopolitical order where he held close ties with Moscow while maintaining his relationship with the West at the same time. That worked - until Donald Trump returned to the White House in 2025.

India-US ties have hit an all-time low in recent months as the two countries have failed to resolve the tariff deadlock.

For both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Putin, the significance of the meeting may also be beyond trade figures or defence contracts. 

A message to the world, that despite turbulence, the old Moscow-Delhi axis still holds considerable value and weight.

The visit comes at a time when the world’s geopolitical compass is spinning fast and furiously, says 'First Post'.

The US tightening sanctions against Moscow, 

China trying to deepen its grip over Eurasia and 

India positioning itself as the swing state in an increasingly bipolar order. 

"I think the Kremlin is sure that the West, including Europe, totally failed," believes Novaya Gazeta columnist Andrei Kolesnikov.

"We are not isolated, because we have connections to Asia and the Global South. Economically, this is the future. In that sense Russia returned as the main actor in these parts of the globe, like the Soviet Union. But even the Soviet Union had special channels and connections to the US, West Germany and France. It had a multi-vector policy.

"But now we are totally isolated from Europe. This is unprecedented. Our philosophers always said that Russia was a part of Europe. Now we're not. This is a big failure and a big loss. I'm sure that part of Russia's political and entrepreneurial class is dreaming of returning to Europe and of doing business not only with China and India."  This week, though, expect to hear about Russia-India friendship, trade deals and increased economic cooperation between Moscow and Delhi.

"It wasn’t pre-planned. We stepped outside, my car was there....Just two friends in a car" -- Russian Prez Putin on his Sept 1 viral carpool with PM Narendra Modi

As Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Narendra Modi continue to strengthen the decades-long relationship between the two countries, events in India will be closely watched by the United States.

Regular Soviet supplies and licensed production of aircraft, tanks, submarines and artillery systems through the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s made Russia central to India’s military ecosystem. Training, maintenance and doctrine became intertwined.

Even today, it is estimated that 70 to 80 per cent of Indian hardware when it comes to arms and ammunition comes from Russia. 

India relies on several Russian-made weapons systems including the Su-30MKI fighters, T-90 and T-72 main battle tanks, BMP-2 infantry fighting vehicles, S-400 Triumf, INS Vikramaditya aircraft carrier and the Chakra II nuclear submarine.

This handout photograph released by the Indian Air Force on May 22, 2019 and taken at an undisclosed location in 2017 shows a BrahMos air to surface cruise missile being launched from a Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter aircraft. File Photo/Handout/Indian Air Force/AFP  (First Post) 

Union Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal said: "Our PM Narendra Modi had captured the very soul of our relationship with Russia when he said, 'On hearing the word Russia, the first word that comes to the mind of every Indian is 'India's sukh-dukh ka saathi'." 

It translates to India's companion and friend in good and bad times."  

MoS Defence Sanjay Seth on Dec 4, Thursday received Defence Minister of Russia Andrei Belousov at Air Force Station, Palam in New Delhi. 

Chief of Defence Staff General Anil Chauhan was also present.

The Russian Defence Minister will co-chair the 22nd India-Russia Inter-Governmental Commission on Military & Military Technical Cooperation ministerial meeting with Raksha Mantri Rajnath Singh at Manekshaw Centre.

In an interview with 'India Today TV', the Russian leader went on to say that during the SCO Summit earlier this year, they mostly spoke about the summit's agenda. 

"It wasn’t pre-planned. We stepped outside, my car was there, and I suggested that we ride together. It wasn’t some elaborate orchestration, we simply got into the car as two friends."  "We talked throughout the drive; there’s always something to discuss. We even sat inside the car for quite some time afterward," he added.

At the time, that is on Sept 1, PM Modi had posted a photo on X of the rare carpool, with the caption, “After the proceedings at the SCO Summit venue, President Putin and I travelled together to the venue of our bilateral meeting. Conversations with him are always insightful."

Putin’s trip to India comes as the shadow of Ukraine continues to hang over the world. It also comes after high-level talks between the United States and Russia over Ukraine failed to deliver a breakthrough. Trump, remember, had vowed to end Ukraine within 24 hours of returning to the White House.  

Despite US President Donald Trump’s special envoy Steve Witkoff and son-in-law Jared Kushner meeting with Putin and the Kremlin on Tuesday, there was no forward progress on bringing peace to Ukraine.

Some memory references:

Jawaharlal Nehru’s 1955 and 1961 visits to the USSR were building blocks of the relationship. 

The Soviets backed India’s industrialisation drive at a time when few others were willing to invest political capital in India’s development.  

Indira Gandhi era and the treaty 

The Indo–Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation signed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1971 brought the relationship into a new stratosphere.

As India and Pakistan clashed over East Pakistan — soon to become Bangladesh — global alignments hardened. 

The Nixon administration tilted sharply towards Pakistan, deploying the Seventh Fleet’s Task Force 74 to the Bay of Bengal. Britain moved the HMS Eagle into the region. 

India’s recognition of Bangladesh raised the stakes even further.  

The Soviet Union stepped in. It deployed its own naval assets, including nuclear submarines, signalling that any intervention by outside powers would be met with consequences. And at the UN Security Council, Moscow repeatedly vetoed ceasefire resolutions pushed by the US and UK, buying India the diplomatic space it needed. Days later, Pakistani forces surrendered in Dhaka.

Migration to urban centers for opportunities continues !!! India’s boom continues .... but it's "uneven" ::: Rural households see little of glittering growth :::: Why a disconnect between where people work and where wealth is created ??

India's growth is at a crossroads. Rural households, reliant on the vagaries of monsoons and market prices, see little of the glittering growth. India’s boom continues to be uneven, and its most enduring economic imbalance remains the disconnect between where people work and where wealth is created.  

The rural-urban divide in India's growth story is characterized by disparities in income, employment, and access to services, although some indicators suggest a narrowing gap in consumption patterns, particularly for the poorest segments. 

The growth has historically favored urban areas, creating an imbalance with rural areas suffering from lower agricultural productivity and limited access to quality education and healthcare. 

Migration to urban centers for better opportunities continues.

Consumption growth in rural areas is sometimes outpacing urban areas, indicating a complex and evolving economic landscape. 

Agriculture lags, forcing policymakers to confront the rural-urban divide and rising state debt. On the other hand, Manufacturing and Services see north bound graph. For many families, analysts say daily life remains a juggling act: paying for fertilisers, diesel for pumps, seeds and electricity.

But what they get in return is - crop prices fluctuation. 

 Urban consumption and discretionary spending drove much of the domestic economy, lifting Private Final Consumption Expenditure (PFCE) nearly 8 per cent in the quarter. 

From the vantage point of Mumbai’s highrises, Bengaluru’s tech corridors and Gurugram’s financial hubs, India seems unstoppable.

Yet, venture just a few hundred kilometres into the countryside and the story is markedly different. Agriculture, forestry and fishing, the sectors that still employ nearly half of India’s working population, are barely keeping pace. The Union ministry of statistics and programme implementation (MoSPI) records a mere 3.5 per cent growth in Q2 FY 2025-26 for these sectors, almost unchanged from Q1.

There is structural fault line that should worry the policy makers especially PM Narendra Modi, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman and also Union Agriculture minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan. 

FMCG companies, such as Hindustan Unilever and Dabur, report flat or even negative volume growth in villages.

But double-digit gains in cities. 

The consumption story mirrors the divide: growth is strong, but not evenly shared.

Since the 1991 liberalisation, India has transformed. 

The economy has expanded at an average 6.8 per cent per year, but agriculture has grown at just 3.2 per cent. 

During phases of high growth, between 2003-08, while the GDP rose 8.8 per cent, what was not a real satisfactory story was  agriculture growth was 3.7 per cent.

Now see the comparison in the period 2016-19, agriculture growth was only 2.9 per cent but the GDP was 7.1 per cent.

Even during the post-Covid rebound from FY2022 to FY2025, the economy grew cumulatively 21.3 per cent while agriculture added just 10.2 per cent. 

Nearly half the country continues to rely on a sector that accounts for less than a sixth of the national income.

Some data may be matters of concern:

Agricultural exports, which had peaked at $50.2 billion in FY2021-22, fell to $45.9 billion in FY2024-25.

** This was due to curbs on staples such as rice, sugar and wheat. 

** Credit flows tell a similar story: 

-- Agricultural lending grew 7.4 per cent in the first half of FY26, well below the 15 per cent rise in industrial credit. 

** Then Crop production -- Kharif foodgrain output for 2025-26 is estimated at 150.2 million tonnes, down slightly from last year.

Due to shortfall in rainfall -- 5 per cent below normal and even unevenly distributed. 

Pulses and coarse cereals suffered declines while rice acreage expanded marginally.

Notable impacts:

Real rural wages have barely moved, rising only 2.1 per cent year on year in September 2025. 

Between 2018 and 2024, agricultural labourers’ cumulative real wage growth was just 8 per cent.  But rural consumer prices climbed 22 per cent. 

Two-wheeler sales—a modest barometer of rural income—rose only 2.5 per cent in Q2 FY26 

** Passenger cars in urban centres jumped over 10 per cent. 

Cabbage farmer in Garo Hills - Meghalaya 

(Widening gap between agricultural and non-agricultural sector incomes, particularly since late 1990s, and the inability of the industry to absorb “surplus” labour from agriculture, have worsened the disparity)

Expenditure difference: In 2017-2018, an average urban dweller could consume about 2.5 times more than an average villager, though this ratio has reportedly declined from 1.63 in 1993-94. 

While headline CPI has hovered near 4.4 per cent, food inflation fell from 6.2 per cent last year to 3.9 per cent this year. 

This has helped keep GDP numbers robust but dampened farm-gate prices. Fertiliser subsidies have risen to Rs 1.97 lakh crore in FY26 from Rs 1.81 lakh crore, shielding farmers from global price shocks but leaving incomes largely stagnant. 

Distress is addressed but he system is unable to fundamentally transform livelihoods. 

What may happen if the simmering socio-economic contradictions in rural India reach a boiling point ?

ends