Nagaland elections: Whose baby? Clan, Village or the party ?

Middleman and money factor play major gamechangers

New Delhi/Kohima

Nagaland has plunged into the annual festival season. At the same time certain political machinations are on in the context of ensuing assembly elections.

But a striking difference in the politics of Nagaland and the mainstream in Indian polity is the basic question of who controls and decides the poll factors.

In mainstream India and in most states politics revolves around parties and the power politics associated with them.

In states such as Nagaland - it comes down to village level decisions and even clan politics and thus more often party affiliations go for a toss.

The 'Tribalism issue' actually ends at the respective district borders. Of course issues like

BJP's alleged pro-Hindutva tilt are at times discussed and debated.

In 2018 in some assembly segments in Phek and Mokokchung districts, the BJP nominees

reportedly faced an 'onslaught' of Christian politics as the campaign was directed against

Hindutva agenda of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's party. 

But despite influential church bodies and Christians forming as high as 90 percent of Nagaland's 

two million people, the BJP gained political prominence and could win 12 seats out of only 20 it contested.

Of course, detractors said the 2018 polls outcome was also the result of alarming levels of corruption 

among the political leaders and candidates. One BJP leader said in 2018, "My party is providing some

funds but our people's expectations are more".

This 'money factor' continued to influence the so-called political stability of the Rio regime in the last five

years also as despite winning 28 seats the NPF could not manage numbers to topple the Chief Minister.

The irony is NPF's chief minister of 2018 is today in NDPP and stands shoulder to shoulder with

his friend-turned-foe-turned-friend Neiphiu Rio.

In some assembly segments the unholy Neta-militant nexus was into play and that ultimately decided

the mandate in segments such as Atouizu where BJP's K L Chishi was humbled.

In Phek district, Congress leader Kewekhape Therie once said, "I have decided not to contest

any more because there are so many players and factors against us".

With regard 2023, people are talking about 'tough elections' in some Wokha district constituencies. Deputy

Chief Minister Y Patton is already facing some problems. 

In Tyui assembly segment Patton has to do right political balancing with influential Ngullie clan voters.

In Mokokchung district there is no doubt a craze for the BJP and at times these are being "guided from the village

level approach". Thus, even some well known BJP stalwarts may face problem as villagers do not

approve of them.

In fact, political experts and old-timers say in Mokokchung and two Tenyimia districts of Kohima

and Phek,  the village level games are important.

This theory apparently does not work well in Mon and Wokha districts where 'clans' come into play.

Interestingly in Northern Angami I constituency that mainly as Bara Basti - the real game is around

Khel politics. The 'L' khel is considered most powerful and hence veteran Shurhozelie remains 

literally the unquestionable leader. 

All these bring us to the debate what really happens to the party affiliations. Does it matter at all on whether

one belongs to NDPP, BJP or the Congress?

However, having said these; the twin factors of Chinese AK-56 and Indian currencies are again fantastic

influencing factors in the elections in Nagaland.

Thus, the Congress faced fund crunch as a major issue in 2018 and state unit leaders developed

problems with AICC general secretary C P Joshi.

Practically speaking there is no improvement in Congress strategies and over all financial conditions

even now.

However, it is learnt that pradesh Congress chief Therie has made it clear that the grand old party will not give 'walkover or uncontested' situations for NDPP and BJP.

On the other hand the NPF is still walking 'too cautiously' and at the same time wants to garner

benefits from the growing anti-NDPP sentiment. 

"We know things are not good for NDPP and BJP. But there is money factor. People may be silent and playing safe.

At the end of the day no leader can really say the NDPP-led dispensation has performed very well," says a senior 

politician from a regional party fold.

A Congress leader agrees to this argument and says even Niti Aayog has rated Nagaland' as as the 'least

performing state' in the northeast.

"So, even if we agree that the Modi has performed and brought in infrastructures in states such as Gujarat

and Uttar Pradesh, there is no performance in Nagaland. Along with Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio thus the BJP 

here is also equally responsible and hence the saffron party has surrendered meekly agreeing to give 40 seats 

to inefficient and corrupt NDPP," the Congress leader says.

Hence the talk of the town is 'money' matters and elections in Nagaland are most expensive affairs

in the country. Polls are much cheaper in Tripura - where for a long the communists had glorified

poverty. Even the standard of electoral expenses are quite low in Meghalaya and in Mizoram the church's

influence is widely respected.

But when it comes to 'money factor', the black sheep in Nagaland politics is not a helpless looking

village elder or any protagonist of clan protectionism. The faultline lies with the middleman and certainly he is

the most busy person in your neighbourhood at least for next few months.

ends