If Bihar has defeated Caste Politics .... We may claim Indian democracy has matured :::: But is inclusive growth .. only a drum beating saga ? Why we have Dalit Christians or Arzal Muslims ??

It perhaps started with Gujarat's post-Godhra violence and the BJP successfully winning the elections in December 2002. 

In the name of Hindutva politics, the BJP claimed it has/had done away with caste politics. This is partly true and partly fallacy. The allegation also goes that in Bihar 2025 and in Uttar Pradesh earlier, the Lotus party seeking 'greater Hindu unity' has only done good caste management.  

There is another charge that the pro-Hindutva party also "encouraged caste politics" by giving importance to some individuals of various caste groups without bothering about talent and performance. Power Politics of course talks different language at different times.

Modi is OBC : Here has a Brahiminical attire 

Narendra Modi is himself an OBC. He was a bachelor-full time-preacher with the RSS. And he is now the face of BJP and the Hindutva politics now. Amit Shah is from upper caste business/trading community but they go very well as a team. 

A strong argument goes that the BJP's caste management has been superb since 2014. It ensured all upper-caste Brahmins and others stick to it. Traditonally the BJP had the image of being an outfit of Brahmins and Baniyas.

But though upper caste numbers or dominance have been reduced to an extent, the BJP has actually emerged as the most socially representative party, taking care of smaller caste groups like barbers.

However, it goes without stating that it has kept Muslims at bay.

However, certain people counter some of these claims. Not long ago Western scholars Christophe Jaffrelot and Gilles Verniers said in their thesis that with the rise of the BJP, the last decade has seen the “return of the upper castes” and the “erosion” of OBC representation.  

In circa 2022 during the election season in northern India - fascinatingly described as the world's largest democracy - the old political menaces of defection and casteist games were back into the fore.  As many as 10 provincial legislators, Members of Legislative Assembly, including three ministers, had   deserted the BJP ship in Uttar Pradesh.

The BJP had captured power in UP in 2017 and Yogi Adityanath had taken over as the chief minister. UP sends 80 lawmakers to Parliament and thus ultimately has a larger say in deciding who will rule India.  

In the defectors' list are a few eminent casteist players like Swami Prasad Maurya, who belongs to a politically powerful 'Other Backward Caste' group. 

The Mauryas along with such segmented groups like Kushwahas, Sakhya, Koeris, Kachhi, and Sainis, make about 9 percent of the OBC population in Uttar Pradesh.

Another prominent leader who defected from Prime Minister Narendra Modi's party to the 'socialist' Samajwadi Party was a 'Saini'.

Yogi's "sainthood" challenges Caste and linguistic divides quite often

About 20 percent of the OBCs in UP are Yadavs and are known for being loyal to the Samajwadi Party that was floated in 1990 by former Defence Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav. Mulayam was also a Chief Minister in UP and now his son Akhilesh Yadav heads his party. The Samajwadi Party hoped to make a dent amongst Yadavs, other OBCs and Muslims in 2022 polls.

Yet the saffron party could retain hold. However, much importantly in 2024 Lok Sabha polls - the same BJP suffered immense loss of popular vote base and seats and Akhilesh Yadav's party won maximum number of parliamentary seats from UP. Worse for BJP; it even lost the seat that houses Ayodhya -- the hub of the grand Ram temple. 

The so-called 'jumping of ships' by some of these casteist leaders are politically significant both in Bihar and UP.

Call it sheer opportunism, these leaders can sense the trouble and public mood and generally switch over to be with the ruling side either in Uttar Pradesh or even in the neighbouring state of Bihar. Late Ram Vilas Paswan was a popular Dalit face in Bihar and he has served as a Union Minister under all PMs since 1996 - H D Deve Gowda, I K Gujral, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Dr Manmohan Singh and Narendra Modi. 

The desertion from one camp to the other often decides things. In 2007; Mayawati of BSP managed a spectacular win only due to so-called "social engineering" of Dalit and Brahmin voters. This is called caste management.

Non-Yadav OBCs make sizable voters in UP and in 2017, an overwhelming 60 percent of non-Yadav OBCs voted for the BJP and gave it a record success of 300 plus seats".  

In this year's just concluded polls in Bihar too; there was effective caste management by the Team Amit Shah. 

Nitish Kumar is a Kurmi -- that has about 6-7 per cent of voters

Chirag Paswan of LJP (Ram Vilas) is a Dalit

Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular) of former CM Jitan Ram Manjhi manages - Dalits and Mahadalits. Upendra Kushwaha's Rashtriya Lok Samata Party caters another vital caste idiom.

All these caste-games combined with Nitish Kumar's image of a performing chief minister and Hindutva politics of BJP and Modi's persona put together did the magic.  

On the other hand, RJD depended a lot on Yadav factor and this led to polarisation of non-Yadavs.  So whether caste was really kept at bay could be debated in months to come.  

Let us not forget caste is a Hindu and Indian reality even afflicting non-Hindus. We get to hear phrases such as Dalit Christians. 

Among Muslims -- 

They have Ajlaf: Backward-caste Muslims, generally converts from intermediate or lower Hindu castes, engaged in various occupational roles (e.g., weavers, butchers, oil pressers, barbers).

Arzal: 

The lowest social category, comparable to Dalit Hindus, whose members face significant discrimination and are sometimes allegedly denied entry to public mosques and graveyards by other Muslims. 

Pasmanda Muslims

Pasmanda is a Persian term meaning "those who have been left behind". It is an umbrella term used by activists to refer collectively to the socially and educationally backward Muslim communities, which primarily include the Ajlaf and Arzal groups. Pasmanda Muslims constitute an estimated 70% to 85% of the total Muslim population in India, but have historically been underrepresented in political and social spheres. 

In other words, as late Sharad Yadav used to say -- caste remains a major factor in India's polity and it's the reality of Indian social life. 

So the so-called claim of inclusive growth may be arguably described as drum beating.

ends