'Don't care what others do, I'll go': AAP's Harbhajan Singh on Ram Mandir ::::: How will Hindutva get re-defined once Ram Mandir becomes a reality on Jan 22 ?

Former cricketer and AAP MP Harbhajan Singh said on Saturday that he will attend the 'Pran Pratistha' (consecration) ceremony of Ram Lalla (Lord Ram's idol) on January 22 in Ayodhya, despite the stance most opposition parties have taken on the Ram Mandir inauguration.

"It doesn't matter who wants to go (to attend the ceremony) or not; whether Congress wants to go or not or even others (parties) want to go or not, I will definitely go. This is my stand as an individual who believes in God. If anybody has a problem with me going (to Ram Mandir), they can do whatever they want," Harbhajan Singh, fondly called as 'Bhajji', told news agency ANI.

"It is our good fortune that this temple is being built at this time, so we should all go and get blessings (from Lord Ram)....I am definitely going to the (Ram Mandir inauguration) to seek blessings (from Lord Ram)," the AAP MP said. 

Harbhajan Singh's comments also came days after his party supremo and Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal said he will give the January 22 event a miss, while pointing out that he is yet to receive a "formal invite" for the 'Pran Pratistha'. He added that he will visit the temple after January 22 with his wife, children and parents.

How will Hindutva get re-defined once Ram Mandir becomes a reality on Jan 22 ? What should happen to Caste politics, what should Minorities expect ?

At Ayodhya, there is also a six-foot high “Devshila” of Shaligram, brought from Nepal in February 2023 meant for the Ram Lalla idol.

This is one of the eight shilas — two brought from Galeshwar Dham in Nepal and three each from Rajasthan and Karnataka. Devotees undertook a parikrama of the shilas, chanted ‘Jai Shri Ram’, and also offered cash to the “daanpatra” (donation box) -- 'Indian Express'. 

The festive sentiment ahead of the consecration of the Ram Temple is palpable across the Mithila region that stretches across the India-Nepal boundary, says 'Hindustan Times'. 

Last week, everyone in Janakpur saw off a team of around 300 leave with 10,000 pieces of Gharbasak bhar or gifts for housewarming, to mark the entering of Ram and Sita in their new abode in Ayodhya. 

HT snap 

“In accordance with the Maithili culture, it is customary to send offerings from the daughter’s maternal home on auspicious occasions taking place in her husband’s home. Upholding this tradition, Janakpur, as the maternal home of Sita, who was married to the then crown prince of Ayodhya, Rama, is sending offerings to Ayodhya,” said Ram Tapeshwar Das, the chief priest of Nepal’s biggest temple, the Janaki Mandir.

Ayodhya: Sept 30, 2010 after High Court verdict 

Caste as a Trojan Horse: Hindutva seeks to defeat caste divisions if not eradicate completely

In my first book 'Godhra - A Journey to Mayhem' (published 2004), the issue of 'Hindu unity emerging in laboratory Gujarat' was discussed at length. (Pg 79).

Here I quote: "Within days of the first spell of the post-Godhra violence. Hindutva leaders claimed unity within the caste-ridden Hindu society only showed the success in integrating the forward and the deprived castes". It was also stated that - 

"From the Hindu point of view, especially for the Hindutva forces, the violence meant something else as well. Despite large-scale criticism of the Sangh Parivar for allegedly fueling the fire of insane rage and communal passion, the Hindutva forces see in it a salutary effect in uniting the majority community, cutting across caste lines". 

To take the argument forward in 2024, one can say Hindutva is essentially to 'overcome/defeat caste divisions'. The concept being an individual can identify himself/herself as a Hindu first and then go into either caste-based identities or linguistic divisions. On the other hand, it may not be wrong to say that the caste divisions have helped the cause of anti-Hindu forces socially and anti-RSS or anti-BJP forces politically.

If at all 'caste' is a reality and also a Trojan horse -- all those who recently raised the bogey of caste census wanted to keep the Hindu society divided. The same groups are so much motivated in negative sense that they want 'Dalit Christians' to get the benefits of quota politics etc. 

Never mind the fact that Christianity otherwise keeps one away from such 'divisions'.  Now, some of the contexts and sub-contexts. 

Every time there is an election in this country, Caste comes in or is brought by the Neta class irrespective there are BJP, the Congress or other regional players. 

The return of caste politics in India's politically crucial and most populous state, Uttar Pradesh in 2017 and 2022 were debated in length. The fact of the matter is the caste divisions only shows Indian democracy still has miles to go to mature.

At the same time, India that is Bharat is fascinatingly described as the world's largest democracy.

In UP and Bihar, the caste games are well known. So it is in Karnataka where the electoral battle ultimately boils down to the one-upmanship between Lingayats and Vokkaliga castes. 

In cow-belt states UP and Bihar, the Yadavs and non-Yadavs politics rule the roost. Dalits are a major chunk.  The Mauryas along with such segmented groups as the Kushwahas, Sakhya, Koeris, Kachhi and Sainis make up about 9 percent of the OBC population in Uttar Pradesh.

There is also a community calling itself Sainis.  About 20 percent of the OBCs in Uttar Pradesh are Yadavs and are known for being loyal to the Samajwadi Party that was floated in 1990 by former defence minister Mulayam Singh Yadav. Mulayam is also a former chief minister of the state and now his son Akhilesh Yadav heads his party. 

Lately, even in West Bengal, the caste idioms have come into play.

In Gujarat too, once upon a time the caste was an important element. Therefore religious unity under the Hinduta politics in Gujarat is no mean achievement where the society was sharply polarised on caste lines. Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself comes from Teli, an OBC community. 

Therefore, an argument is being build up that a section of Brahmins are not quite pleased that an OBC will be a lead participant in pran-pratishtha ceremony of Jan 22. Paradoxically, the opposition parties with their commitment to so-called Secular polity (read Sickularism) are encouraging the Brahmin-OBC narrative.

Businessman Naushad Khan says, "I hail from western Uttar Pradesh. The BJP's caste management has been superb since 2014. It ensured all upper-caste Brahmins and others stick to it. 

Thus, though upper caste numbers or dominance have been reduced to an extent, the BJP has emerged as the most socially representative party, taking care of smaller caste groups like barbers, but has kept Muslims at bay."

However, certain people counter some of these claims. Not long ago Western scholars Christophe Jaffrelot and Gilles Verniers said in their thesis that with the rise of the BJP, the last decade has seen the “return of the upper castes” and the “erosion” of OBC representation.

Nevertheless, caste management during election season is nothing new in India. During the early decades of India's political history, the Congress party dominated the scene in Uttar Pradesh and elsewhere, having won the trust of upper caste Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Thakurs along with minorities and Dalits.

In the 1990s, the Congress base was shaken when OBC and Dalit leadership emerged in the form of the Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) claiming to be the party of the Scheduled Castes and Dalits.

But by 2014, the clever use of “Hindu unity” pushed by Narendra Modi and his trusted lieutenant  Amit Shah diluted the caste narrative.

Away from the temple, a tale of devotion around unused stones

An estimated 15,000 pilgrims visit spot everyday, says local VHP leader

The eight pieces of stones under the tin shed, which had arrived from various corners of the country and abroad, carry as much significance for the devotees as the Ram Lalla idol — they wish to see and touch these stones. These stones were meant for the Ram Lalla idol, but later, the 51-inch tall idol sculpted by Mysuru-based sculptor Arun Yogiraj was selected.  

Therefore, with devotees on their ultimate pilgrimage to Ram temple, the activities under a tin shed on the four-acre Ramsevakpuram premises in Ayodhya are also grabbing their attention.

Ramsevakpuram is managed by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP). Earlier, it was the workshop for cutting and carving pink sand stones. These carved stones have been used in the Ram temple. After visiting Ram Janmabhoomi and Hanuman Garhi, devotees are also reaching Ramsevakpuram.

ends