The persuasion of gun-culture is so powerful that the most heinous mass killings are often forgiven (by governments) once the militants come forward to shake hands.
In October 2020, Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio held an important meeting with Home Minister Amit Shah. Himanta Biswa Sarma, a trusted lieutenant of Shah, had asserted - "The government of India has taken into confidence all the concerned North Eastern states on the issue".
It is not for the first time, there is optimism around 'progress' in Naga peace talks.
The persuasion of gun-culture is so powerful that the most heinous mass killings are often forgiven (by governments) once the militants come forward to shake hands.
In October 2020, Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio held an important meeting with Home Minister Amit Shah. Himanta Biswa Sarma, a trusted lieutenant of Shah, had asserted - "The government of India has taken into confidence all the concerned North Eastern states on the issue".
Apparently, Assam elections kept Shah busy and more so as he was advised that any breakthrough in Nagaland could have some 'impact' in Assam politics. After all, Assam-Nagaland border issue has been a critical facet in northeast and 'greater Nagaland' demand by NSCN(IM) also sought to create troubles in three northeastern states of Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. In 2019, the formal signing of Naga peace pact got 'delayed' after Amit Shah had to intervene as the Home Minister.
And he had done so when after Manipur Chief Minister N Biren Singh had reported 'truthfully' about NSCN(IM) 'demands' in his state. Nevertheless, the government of India has kept things on track and peace parleys were pursued at various levels.
At times, even the role of negotiator R N Ravi was curtailed and Intelligence Bureau officials were deputed by Shah with the clearance from Prime Minister Narendra Modi to talk to 'disgruntled' NSCN(IM) negotiators as they expressed resentment against Ravi, who is also Nagaland Governor.
Nagaland Chief Minister Rio and Leader of the Opposition (in state assembly), T R Zeliang, also a former CM, yet again met Shah in Delhi last week. For a change, it was a joint meeting. It is presumed Shah had earlier insisted with Himanta that both Rio and T R Zeliang should be 'engaged' with a purpose of teamwork and unity to work for Naga peace.
In the meantime, the centre through Governor Ravi has kept seven groups umbrella organisation, NNPG led by N Kitovi Zhimomi, in good humour. The NNPG would be helpful in 'containing' things if NSCN(IM) take any adverse step if their 'unacceptable' demands on Flag and a separate Constitution is rejected.
The government of India has made it clear that these two demands are not at all negotiable.
After March 18, 2021 meeting with Shah alongside T R Zeliang, the Nagaland Chief Minister tweeted: “We urged the GoI to expedite the peace process and bring about an early and honourable solution to the Naga political issue". The lights of hopes have been rekindled.
But as we look back, it is pertinent to examine why and how some key facets related to the Naga peace talks turned so complex, complicated and also so much of time taking matter. After all, the parleys had actually begun in August 1997 when I K Gujral was Prime Minister and understandably, the NSCN (IM) leaders were facing the 'heat' of aggressive military actions.
Role of Gujral and Deve Gowda:
While history would always recall that the first ceasefire came in August 1997 during the prime ministership of I K Gujral, it is also true unlike H D Deve Gowda, Late Gujral had never met NSCN(IM) leaders. Atal Bihari Vajpayee met Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah on September 30, 1998 along with his Principal Secretary and NSA Brajesh Mishra in Paris.
Vajpayee against met the two militant leaders after 'arrived' Delhi on the eve of state assembly polls in 2003.
The timing suited BJP. The saffron won seven legislators and veteran S C Jamir was ousted. Politically, Neiphiu Rio's rise in state politics also coincides with the developments then.
So, did Gujral commit any mistake by not meeting the two militant leaders - Muivah and now deceased Isak Chishi Swu ? These two leaders have always made noise about 'greater Nagalim (that is taking the provisions of ceasefire into areas outside Nagaland).
Around 1998-99, when Vajpayee government was at the helm of affairs, the then Nagaland Chief Minister S C Jamir always spoke about the need to "make the details of talks transparent". However, even the NDA regime was always secretive.
In June 2001, the Vajpayee government inked a so called 'Bangkok Agreement' with NSCN (IM) bringing Manipur's hill districts under the provisions of truce or ceasefire. Manipur was then under President's Rule after the fall of Samata Party-led Radhabinod Koijam ministry. Manipuris reacted with violence in Imphal and some other Meitei-inhabited hubs and 18 people were killed.
The Vajpayee government had to backtrack. The responsibility of this misadventure actually lay with K Padmanabhaiah, a former Union Home Secretary
Back to Future:
Now that things have taken a complete turn like the hands of a clock, it is pertinent to examine what peace offensive actually means.
To many, it is a big time game of money and opportunities - including political opportunities for new players. While emphasis is always given on 'political elements', the real thrust generally boils down to development package.
In the words of security experts in northeast India, the persuasion or influence of gun-culture is so powerful that the most heinous mass killings are often forgiven (by governments) once the militants come forward to shake hands.
It should not be the case this time. For a change, the Modi government has claimed all important stakeholders including Gaon Bura Federation (village elders) would also be made parties to the signing ceremony. How much of 'good results' this would yield remain to be seen.
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