South China Sea: Is India again playing upto its old script?

The bilateral relation between India and Indonesia, it goes without saying that New Delhi would like to see Indonesia emerge as a key economic player and a valued partner. India is definitely pinning hopes to emerge as a ‘valued investment destination’ in the region on its own and Indonesia can always a crucial role towards that endeavour.

It is said, the ties between Indonesia and India date back to the times of the Ramayana. Both the countries have shared civilisational relationship over the centuries and thus the healthier ties up can be for mutual interest in more ways than one.

This traditionally friendly relation obviously received a much needed boost with the just concluded visit of the Indonesian Minister to New Delhi.

The Indian External Affairs Minister S M Krishna has rightly said on his part that since both the nations have become strategic partners in 2005, Indonesia has emerged as a key player for New Delhi in its pursuit of ‘Look East policy’ envisaged by the government of Dr Manmohan Singh.

In the words of Indonesian Foreign Minister Dr. R.M. Marty M. Natalegawa, his country and India share very robust and positive relations. Well, it goes without saying that in this delicately placed region, Indonesia and India are not merely close friends but they are critically valued regional partners to each other as well.

During the crucial Joint Commission meeting, both sides reviewed the overall bilateral cooperation and also identified ‘specific areas’ in which both countries would be working together to take the relationship to the next high level.

In specific terms, both the countries inked agreements on avoidance of double taxation and the prevention of fiscal evasion with respect to taxes on income.
Signed by both the ministers, the revised tax agreement would provide for effective exchange of information, including banking details and information that does not have any domestic tax interest.

On bilateral trades, the two countries have touched 20 billion US Dollars and have now set a higher target of 25 billion US dollars by 2015.

Indian investment in Indonesia has also started increasing as both the countries have intensified business deals in wide range of sectors including energy, oil and gas, coal, marine and fisheries, agriculture, science and technology, education, culture and defence.

Crucially, both sides are in league in evolving strategies for counterterrorism too.
“As large pluralistic democracies we have a stake in each other's progress and prosperity,” quote unquote S M Krishna rightly remarked at the joint media interaction reflecting the sincerity of purpose.

Both the leaders also held crucial talks on South China Sea in the backdrop of increasing Chinese influence in the region.

The South China Sea is at present at the centre of jurisdictional claims between China and five other southeast Asian nations.

The issue has snowballed into a major controversy in international diplomacy after ASEAN, Association of South East Asian Nations ministerial meeting in Cambodia had failed to issue a joint communiqué.

It has emerged as big and perhaps a very sensitive issue given the fact that it is for the first time that the regional body ASEAN in its 45 years of existence had failed to bring out a joint statement on any issue deliberated by it.

The South China Sea is a marginal sea as part of Pacific Ocean and the region’s importance is largely due to its huge oil and gas reserves. It assumed importance as probably the world’s principal shipping transiting take place through its waters.
Countries like Indonesia, Taiwan, Philippines and Vietnam are in conflicts with China over its jurisdictional controls.

During deliberations with his Indonesian counterpart, Krishna reiterated India’s established position that all parties should engage in discussions to resolve the issue while New Delhi also supported ‘freedom of navigation and access to resources’ in accordance with principles of international law.

On his part, the visiting Indonesian Foreign Minister described candidly the challenge of the South China Sea as a “fact of life”.

But sharing India’s sentiments, he said there is a diplomatic track to resolve the issue and referring to the ASEAN-China track, he also said that a Code of Conduct on the South China Sea is being formulated.

Thus, we see, India is only playing to its script. India is playing safe, as usual, may be. But, too much of playing safe, a traditional trait of New Delhi's dilomatic operatives, most of the times mean stagnancy. Stagnancy is often compared to the phenomenon of temporary suicide. This theory applies to business communities, other streams of life by and large as much also in diplomatic ballgame. These challenges ought to be overcome. India needs to position its real intent clearly.

A few months back, Indian diplomatic handling on Syria was almost historical and even path-breaking.
It had voted in favour of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution on Syria.
The vote was understood in the international circle as endorsing the dominating western vision vis-à-vis the ‘humanitarian concerns’ though New Delhi made it clear
that it would reject any suggestion that pointed to regime change.

But having said these, one must note that the same Indian
establishment and the foreign policy engine room had kept aloof during the turbulent time with regard to countries like Libya.

ends

Pawar wants sacrifacial goat in Maha CM: Will Sonia oblige

Sharad Pawar is actually left with little choice. The provocation is from
Maharashtra as the chief minister Prithviraj Chavan, a so called high command's
choice and paratrooped from Delhi, has been trying to needle NCP and more so
Ajit Pawar, NCP supremo's nephew.

The 'demotion' of the Maratha strongman and NCP supremo in the union cabinet ranking is just a good excuse that NCP has used. Both NCP cabinet members from the party Mr Sharad Pawar and Mr Praful Patel sent in their resignations to the Prime Minister on July 19 night.

"Letters of resignations have been sent to the Prime Minister," top
party sources even as the Agriculture Minister declined to comment
on the episode.
Mr Pawar also declined to react to reports that the Prime Minister Dr
Manmohan Singh had tried to reach out to him to mollify him over the issue.

Now, by the weekend, bracing for the crucial meeting of the party's
core group on Monday, July 23, which would try to redefine the party's relations with UPA, the NCP hinted that the "settlement at this
juncture looks remote".

Besides the issue of lack of coordination, there is a feeling that the
NCP's ministers are being targeted in Maharashtra at the instance of the chief minister. A section of NCP leaders privately do not rule out working out some new combination in Maharashtra though party spokesman Prof D P Tripathi said that such
a step would be "suicidal".

Sources say that NCP leadership has come under "personal pressure"
from Mr Pawar's nephew Mr Ajit Pawar as he is much antagonized
with the Maharashtra Chief Minister Mr Prithviraj Chavan's order for a
'white paper' on irrigation. Mr Ajit Pawar was Irrigation Minister
from 2000 to 2009 and the portfolio is now held by the NCP's Mr Sunil
Tatkare. The allegation is that despite over Rs 70,000 crores being
spent on dams, only 0.1% of land was added to the area under irrigation during last 8-9 years. Another NCP bigwig, PWD minister Chhagan Bhujbal is also facing
allegations of corruption in construction of Maharashtra Sadan in
Delhi. The NCP supremo is keen to buy peace with his nephew as he is considered a real inheritor of Pawar legacy though Sharad Pawar would like to ensure smoooth
position for his daughter Supriya too.
Moral of the story: Prithviraj Chavan can be made sacrifacial goat?
Sonia has to oblige...

Moily makes veiled attack on Salman, Chidambaram(Interview)

‘Cong leaders should talk responsibly’


THE SATURDAY INTERVIEW

Senior Congress leader and Union corporate affairs minister Mr M Veerappa Moily is known to speak his mind. These days, the minister is busy charting out a roadmap to ensure ethical functioning of the Indian corporate sector. Mr Moily shared with
NIRENDRA DEV his thoughts on the state of the Indian economy, the crisis in the Karnataka BJP and the perceived policy paralysis and governance deficit afflicting the Congress-led UPA government

Let us start with Karnataka, your home state. How do you perceive the recent change of guard?

It’s no change of guard. It’s just a case of surrender before the whims and fancies of one leader ~ BS Yeddyurappa. The BJP has revealed that it has the weakest leadership at the central level. It has also endorsed the politics of corruption and casteism. The infighting in the BJP has now come out in the open.

But as a Congressman, it should suit your party…

That is another chapter. But it does not suit the state of Karnataka. There is drought, people are suffering and there is governance deficit. Karnataka has never seen such a dark period in its history.

Coming to your phrase ‘governance deficit’, that’s how people describe what the UPA regime has to offer. There is a widespread perception that the Congress-led UPA II regime is gripped by policy paralysis and governance deficit.
That is not true. Ours has been a very focused approach towards inclusive growth catering to all sections of people and that addresses rural employment, health care, among other things. Such inclusive growth is not addressed in Western countries. In our case, for all important government policies in the past eight years, Congress president Sonia Gandhi personally gave specific directions, especially for flagship schemes such as MGNREGA other than the food security and RTI Acts. So where is the question of the Congress lacking in direction?

However, ever since the Anna Hazare movement was launched, the Congress and the government seem to have lost their way. What has really gone wrong with the Manmohan Singh government? Were the movements spearheaded by Mr Anna Hazare and Ramdev mishandled?

Firstly, let us not go back into the past. There is no truth in your statement that the Congress has lost its way. If you are referring to the Time magazine report, I should say, Dr Manmohan Singh has led the government and the country well all these years. The periodical has only deviated from objectivity as it got swayed by the malicious environment created by BJP and a section of civil society. Any objective analysis of the Indian economy would reflect that the country has registered an average GDP growth of around 7.7 per cent in the last 10 years. Indian share in global exports has doubled from 0.7 per cent to 1.5 per cent. Literacy rate has increased. The country has a burgeoning middle class and the people’s purchasing power has increased too.

What about the latest ‘foot-in-mouth’ disease syndrome in Congress affecting all from Mr Salman Khurshid to Mr P Chidamabaram?
This (foot-in-mouth) is not my phrase, but the Congress is not given to this culture. We are expected to be disciplined and remember that the party’s prestige and image is of utmost importance. Without taking any names, I should say leaders should appreciate that everything has some repercussions (for the party). Therefore, leaders should talk responsibly and always keep the party’s image in mind.

Are you disturbed by such a trend? How much of this ‘loose talk’ do you think had cost the party in the UP polls?

For UP election results, there were several factors. Yes, it was one of them.

After the Prime Minister took over the finance portfolio, some of his steps such as review of taxation norms give the impression that there might have been a disconnect between Dr Manmohan Singh and Mr Pranab Mukherjee. Your opinion.

There is no disconnect. Any new finance minister will have his own roadmap. There is nothing wrong in it. You must also remember that in 1991, it was Dr Singh who had revived the Indian economy.

But what about the talk of policy paralysis? Dr Singh is the captain of the ship.

I agree. But there is no policy paralysis. Everyone is making a big fuss about the 6.5 per cent GDP rate. You all are missing the point that the fundamentals of our economy are very strong today. I think, it is more about perception paralysis. We have weathered a global crisis more than once. We have shown our resilience. Even in personal life, one cannot be cheerful always. A dull period comes… that does not mean the same cheerfulness will not return. Similarly, it will be erroneous to believe the Indian economy will not revive. The Prime Minister has already talked about taking important steps.

How do you think the economy can be rebooted? What should the government do in the remaining two years of its term?

We do not need any drastic policy changes. Things are on track. There may be need for some corrective steps… perhaps the Reserve Bank of India could think about reducing the interest rate.

Are you all pushing for that?

Well, RBI should go by the sentiments of bankers on this. As the corporate minister, I understand their pulse... the bankers are willing or are ready for a reduced rate of interest. Moreover, we need to improve the inflow of foreign investments. Look at big players like Vodafone. The General Anti-Avoidance Rules was formulated with honest intentions. But lobbyists launched a campaign suggesting the investment climate in India is not favourable. The Prime Minister has already spoken about these things.

Coming back to party politics, how much do you think can the Congress depend on the Rahul Gandhi factor?

The Congress has displayed a very strong and focused leadership under Sonia Gandhi. We have been pursuing party principles and manifesto sincerely. RTI is today a strong weapon in the hands of the citizens to ensure transparency in government functioning. Rahul Gandhi has increased Congress acceptability among the younger generation. The results will be seen in the long term. Rahul will emerge a stronger leader in 2014 like an Amazonian force and there will be no one from the Opposition parties to match him.

(The Statesman, July 14, 2012)

Failure of Manmohan regime: Are We, the people, to be blamed

I cannot agree more with my good friend, Binu, a journo and an expert commodity watcher, that: In early 2000, the big hope of India becoming a great nation with intelligent people with extraordinarily skills are shattered. A decade later, I see this country as a nation of a certain unscrupulous elements out to loot whatever ....


My response: has been


To a large extent people voted themselves into this by voting in so called UPA: Unscrupulously Pathetic Alliance in 2004
--- this happens when a country of 120 crore leave their fate on an Italian lady!


Checklist: in 2004 u had Shivraj Patil as Home minister, Lalu as rail minister, and above all PM with a golden silence and 'mmeenu ki approach' and of course Sonia with her little knowledge and commitment....only for her son, Rahul -- who ultimately stands exposed in UP and at the same time lacked the vital will-power!!

Initial few years/months since UPA took over power in 2004 went along okay for India, probably as an impact of some good works and the foundations laid by the NDA government. In 2004 and aftermath, I too strongly believed that 'India Shining' was a misnomer, but in circa 2012, who can dispute that THINGS WERE MUCH BETTER IN 2002, 2003, 2004 AND THIS DESPITE GUJARAT'S RIOTS.
NOW, the moment u say these: u r labelled :: Nagpur-walla.... I am not.


But, today, any honest analysis would suggest that things have not turned the way it appeared when Vajpayee government was voted out. If Gujarat riots of 2002 was a tragedy, the bigger national tragedy was Indian voters punished Vajpayee regime for the foly of Modi regime. And today, if we want BJP reviving, the hopes are ironically pinned on Narendra Modi only notwithstanding skirmishes from Nitish kumar.

On development front, Modi has also set the pace for inclusive growth, something cherished and given a lip-service in most cases. There is no denying that at the national level too, despite having someone like Dr Manmohan Singh at the helm, too much of growth has been concentrated in a narrow part of the economy – IT, BPO and some urban-based sectors. But in Modi’s Gujarat, there have been actions of the ground for generating mass employment with focused approach for expansion in manufacturing. The Gujarat government, despite its lapses, has also taken steps for high-value agriculture and food processing.

Gujarat today is a manufacturing hub especially as an emerging leader in auto sector.


Therefore, what can be the measure of Modi’s success rate on the developmental front?
He has put the subject of rebalancing the growth chart on the agenda. The question in Gujarat and in those minds interested in Gujarat affairs is now whether his developmental saga has to be checked or reversed. On the contrary, the clamour is for taking these to the newer heights.

Like his critics and admirers admit, Modi functions like a modern day CEO laying emphasis on the outcome and often allegedly putting the rules and normal norms into backburner. If his government helped Ratan Tata in 2008, it did come to the help other corporate players as well from Bambardier to Maruti. Such delivery level is appreciated but skeptics also wonder whether all procedures are being followed or reduced to a mere whimsical clearance by the chief minister just because it would go well with his image building exercises. A good-governance should also have proper checks and balances; and these are not happening.

So there are already talks about the cost of making things hassle free for big businessmen. But, first hand accounts say even small-time entrepreneurs are benefiting by the overall atmosphere. The state government officials deny that there is any special treatment for anyone and that a clear policy driven approach make things move. Many things and essential works are done in advance through IT facilities and thus when entrepreneurs or business houses come to the government for final clearance, things move fast.

Industry players like Adi Godrej and Ratan Tata have time and again said that single party government and a decisive chief minister also contribute their part in pushing matters, unlike in a state like Maharashtra wherein the pulls from coalition partners like NCP and Congress often end up creating hassles.

Even in single-party Congress-ruled Haryana and Andhra Pradesh, these are lacking because the fear of high command, some sacred cows in Delhi often prevent things moving. Industrialists admit that the cross purposes the government and the Sonia Gandhi-led NAC or even Rahul Gandhi himself function often add to the administrative and business delivery woes even at the government of India level.

Moreover, some point out that Congress has union ministers like Jairam Ramesh, who as in-charge of environment ministry, often blocked projects deciding by the tour programme of his ‘real boss’ – Rahul Gandhi. In Gujarat, to the contrary, Modi has put even his party into the second fiddle and other onetime influential forces like VHP and Praveen Togadia have been forced vanished from the scene.

ends

Pranab as next President: Some predictions

The Indian poitical characteristic is such that often we say the country is deeply troubled at heart, and at odds with many things of its own. The elections process throw opportunities to size up the polity. But, as with presidential elections, often these are wasted as caste and linguistic divisions throw up fragmented mandate. However, there r interesting facets these times. Was Sonia G not very ple...ased to announce Pranab's name as UPA candidate? her smile was missing? Has she lost her pre-eminence position.. Is this is a sheer glimpse of what Pranab can turn up in time to come? Well he could face defeat (seems unlikely) if Sonia's own people do not betray the other 'PM" at her beshest ..but if he makes it... bigger trouble for first political family is not ruled out. Many say Mulayam has acted according to script drafted by Congress's hitherto known best known draftsman...... From Didi to Dada, Italian lady could face real indian/desi heat .... well well...... Why she had to meet Mulayam herself? Was Ahmed Patel on leave? I could analyze things on my own more and more.... However, there is other side of the tale and the obvious side..... the implications of his elevation as President and how others are sidelined/marginalised.. But the presidential election in India is a gigantic task as the work involves keeping hawk’s eyes on each party, prominent individual leaders, local and regional factors. Pranab is today considered with the obvious 'pratham bangali' Rashtrapati tag.... and by having his 'chhoto bon (younger sister) against him, Pranab has practically managed the left votes --- ironically slghtly more than Mamata's Trinamool. Election this time has other players playing their own game. Naveen Patnaik is keen for a tribal card as this goes well for him in his own backyard... Jayalalitha wants to win over Christians who form sizeable voters in Tamil Nadu and are likely to be with her foes DMK as they being close to Sonia Gandhi herself. One should try to examine all these, more minuetly. Look at the big picture... a complete picture of our netas, their playing of chances, opportunism in self-seeking goals, myths called partnerships. Lalu Prasad is vocal in supporting Pranab as he is eyeing a cabinet berth to strike back at strong opponent Nitish. NCP satrap Sharad Pawar, could not conceal his lifetime ambition of running for Prime Ministership perhaps even for 2014 and therefore is desperate to prevent his own partyman P A Sangma to become president. Moral of the story is no body is above board.... remember the good old saying,,, 'Hamam mey sab nange hae... Now, zeroing down on Pranab. It's time to have a first Bengali as President of India. With his nomination, Pranab M joins the cub of R Venkataraman, Zail Singh, Shankar Dayal Sharma and Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy to be first citizen from among hardcore Congress politicians. and to be honest, none of these predecessors in Rashtrapati bhavan has left any mark. Except I suppose, Shankar Dayal Sharma went by text book and invited Vajpayee as the leader of the single largest party in 1996. Another Congress sympathiser and also a sympathiser of Sonia, K R Narayanan waited for days to oblige the Madam from Italy....Zail Singh would have swept the floor for Indira, according to his own words.. RV ran to airport to receive Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi when RG returned from Colombo from being hit by a soldier in the island nation. The same zail singh reportedly threatened to take action against Rajiv... well, now it is for time to see what kind of President, Pranab would make it. I could b wrong, but ther would be less for Bengalis to cheer abt Pranab's stay in Raisina Hills. Mamata has her reasons as Pranab could have helped her as Finance Minister. God forbid, my prayer is he does not end up as Somnath 'Shame Shame' Chatterjee and bring disgrace in more ways than one. On Somnath, Mamata Didi has been absolutely wrong, other than teasing the Leftists. the 'shame shame' Chatterjee, as he used to scream in Lok Sabha as presiding officer forgetting his own conduct, has been used as a 'joker' or poplu card by Mamata. About Pranab's contribution to Bengal after winning LS election from Jangipur, my friend Rajib Guha, a Kolkata-based journo, says is opening branches of nationalised banks in all the road of Jangipur. "There are a lot of banks in Jangipur. Other than this he has no contribution to Bengal. But his g...reatest contribution to corporate India is the rise of RIL in 1980s when he was the Finance minister in Indira Gandhi cabinet," says Rajib. So, if Dhirubhai brought in the culture of 'buying over anything and everything" in Indian government and bureaucracy and if Indira Gandhi is responsible for bringing corruption and sycophancy in all institutes... one cannot credit Pranab Mukherjee, the eternal 'the other PM' for being a Mr Clean...... I am a Bengali myself and essentially not a 'Bangali hater'......

Now, Truism on Modi's Developmental Identity

Predictably, Narendra Modi is back in public debate once again after he literally has hijacked BJP leadership platform and forced the exit of his bete noire Sanjay Joshi. Said to be an organisational man, Sanjay Joshi was more a RSS-pointman but his functioning and also including lifestyle has been in controversies. Things have not been transparent either. For instance, when Advani as BJP president made the statement on Jinnah in Pakistan in 2005, he wanted the party office in Delhi to "interpret" his statement properly. As general secretary in-charge of organisation, Sanjay Joshi failed to deliver at least this is what ASdvani says, a "a lost opportunity" for his party. Now, coming to the main issue of Modi and his new identity as a mascot of Hindutva and development, there is a need to address certain key aspects. Were it not for Modi having to confront a full-scale war against him by the rival politicians and the secular brigade for the last decade, it is unlikely that Modi would have pushed his developmental card so hard and decisively. May be, may be not! After all Modi before being elevated as the chief minister of Gujarat was a typical 'also ran BJP neta' and was always overshadowed by the galaxy of media savvy players like Pramod Mahajan, Sushma Swaraj and Govindacharya. “But today things have gone in Modi’s favour. He might be a Muslim-baiter; but today he has brought in sustained acceleration in growth, perceptible progress against otherwise awful toll of poverty and the image of non-performing netas,” says one of his admirers. According to him, Moditva today as if a case of the ‘caged and injured tiger’ was waiting to be truly set free. Look at the results: the same chief minister vilified in the nation and who was denied a US visa in 2005 is wooed by corporate of all hues. He is finding himself engaged with top industrialists within the country and overseas and also there is engagement with the global economic power like China. His admirers have reasons therefore when they say Narendra Modi has changed the rules of Indian politics to an extent as from Nitish Kumar to Mamata Banerjee – everybody is following his footsteps organizing business summits and instead of rushing to Delhi with begging bowls are trying out to look for investment in their respective states based on their own strengths. The alleged ill-treatment meted to non-Congress state governments by the centre today have today provoked angry comments from Modi and even the likes of Jayalalitha, Naveen Patnaik and importantly, UPA constituent, Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress. Modi has also set the pace for inclusive growth, something cherished and given a lip-service in most cases. There is no denying that at the national level too, despite having someone like Dr Manmohan Singh at the helm, too much of growth has been concentrated in a narrow part of the economy – IT, BPO and some urban-based sectors. But in Modi’s Gujarat, there have been actions of the ground for generating mass employment with focused approach for expansion in manufacturing. The Gujarat government, despite its lapses, has also taken steps for high-value agriculture and food processing. Therefore, what can be the measure of Modi’s success rate on the developmental front? He has put the subject of rebalancing the growth chart on the agenda. The question in Gujarat and in those minds interested in Gujarat affairs is now whether his developmental saga has to be checked or reversed. On the contrary, the clamour is for taking these to the newer heights, as a key minister in the Modi cabinet summed up. Now let us try to take the debate on development and social sectors yardsticks into a different plane. Firstly, India’s reforms have come in compartmentalized forms. In the absence of reforms in the administration, police and judiciary, the new rules were enforced by an old system, and the mismatch has led to weak enforcement. The competition in presence of multiple players say in telecom could overcome weak enforcement. This appears to be a factor responsible for the success of equity markets and telecom but the same story was not reaped in the oil and power sectors. Many would argue that in a complex society like ours and in multi-layered polity of democracy in India, the consensual process of reform is important for success. There is no doubt in the last two decades the policy makers, the ministers and the law makers either in state assemblies or in parliament, have spent time listening to groups, business chambers etc before embarking on major policy changes. So did even a supposed autocrat Modi. But his success story also underlines that ‘out of the box’ thinking is highly advisable. Here was a chief minister, who despite the bad press, to the industry has always remained a ‘vanguard’ of not only change but someone who stood for what he said. ends

Truism about L K Advani and Nitin Gadkari

There is always a danger that for every performing politician and more so in a vibrant democracy like ours, there are those whose motives are self-serving and malicious. Now, this is no way to attempt to put either Narendra Modi, Advani or Nitin Gadkari in one category or the other. The posterity will judge that best, may be. But it ought to be stated that Narendra Modi’s or for that matter BJP’s accomplishments and methods to achieve electoral success in post Rajiv Gandhi era in Indian polity spark off few crucial questions of means and ends, as the Father of the Nation, Mahatma Gandhi had often spoken about. How does these means and ends relate in effect in parliamentary democracy guided ultimately by electoral success or failure? Is electoral success so vital and what would follow then? These questions broadly refer to the other political class too. How does Lalu Prasad or Mayawati’s segmented appeal and alleged corruption justify their success or failure? How does Congress absolve itself from the charge of creating vote banks by glorifying Urdu and playing naked minority (read Muslim) appeasement card in UP in 2012? What made Rajiv Gandhi make the infamous statement of tree falling and earth shaking? Did Congress get the ultimate message that Muslim in Uttar Pradesh outright rejected their carrot and gave back Rahul Gandhi’s party, the stick (read humbling defeat) in the elections? Firstly, while talking about Advani, one must say that the axiom about politics is that often charishmatic leaders like Advani, who contributed the most for BJP’s success, do not possess the vital luck and the right rhythm and flexibility to get the chance to lead a government or the country. Despite his glorious past, history will be no kinder to Advani. Since 2004, his political journey has been a test case of flirting with failures and mistakes. And mostly, they were self-inflicted flaws. If he thought ‘India Shining’ was a mistake, he should have corrected it on time. In more ways than one, Advani himself knew that with aging Vajpayee around; the 2004 general elections were more crucial for him as he would have been natural choice to succeed Vajpayee. Advani was already the deputy Prime Minister. In subsequent period, he went on committing one mistake after other. He replaced his onetime Man Friday Venkaiah Naidu as BJP president only to be challenged by sheer machinations of second generation leaders. Uma Bharati threw him open challenge in full televised view. Late Pramod Mahajan started working against him. No party leader tried to defend his remark on Jinnah. Advani must have been accustomed to be boss deciding and guiding the party’s destiny as well as calling shots for individual careers. From Sushma Swaraj to Venkaiah Naidu to Pramod Mahajan, and not forgetting Narendra Modi, everyone was his hand-picked leaders and beneficiaries of his benevolence. But the claim to remain the natural and legitimate player, that too in a commanding position, was torpedoed by the blunder of 2005 – Jinnah is secular hara-kiri. Similarly, his blog on May 31, 2012, the day his party had called for Bharat Bandh against petrol price hike was equally self destructive. In between too, he has committed few other mistakes like total mishandling of ‘cash-for-vote’ episode in 2008 trial of strength in Lok Sabha. In what was said to be Dr Singh’s crucial test, Advani staked his part that too --- significantly – probably at the instance of operators like Suddhendra Kulkarni. So much was the quantum of mistake that he was even pulled by then Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee for allowing BJP MPs to table cash in the Lok Sabha. Calling Prime Minister Manmohan Singh ‘the weakest Prime Minister’ also did not help his case either. But it goes without saying that politically, people like Advani leave a mixed legacy. Among his most positive contribution for the party was to bring it at par with Congress. BJP never had a wider national appeal. But once his Somnath to Ayodhya Rathyatra was undertaken, the party had brought in bipolar approach to politics. This admittedly remains the most striking salient feature of his politics. This also has to be attributed to Advani’s pragmatism and far-fetched political vision, when in 1991 Mumbai convention of the BJP, he named his compatriot for many years Atal Bihari Vajpayee as the BJP’s Prime Ministerial candidate. Vajpayee was extraordinarily popular and soon the BJP started to have a pan-India impact with even Naga leaders like the Late Vamuzo, swearing by Christian ideals, coming to the party fold or working out joint electoral strategy. Many call it Sangh’s political integration with Indian politics. Thus, in my understanding, it is hard to visualize what would have happened to BJP and Advani had he made the ‘Jinnah-secular’ statement in 1998-99 instead of 2005. In the case of Nitin Gadkari, he did not have much to claim except RSS blessings. While Narendra Modi’s motivations and objectives were never a ‘mystery’, I presume there are serious contradictions and difficult issues in evaluating Gadkari. Not so successful in state politics, one thing was clear from very beginning that he was RSS protégé and was readily willing to play second fiddle anytime. His actions often puzzled hardcore BJP supporters. During the peak of anti-corruption crusade led by Anna Hazare and that seemingly had put the UPA regime on the dock, Gadkari chose to take in one tainted minister of Mayawati, Khushwah just before the UP elections. Thus, it was not without good reason Congress general secretary Digvijaya Singh mocked at Gadkari saying, the BJP president was more of a ‘businessman’. However, it ought to be said that his initial achievement after he took over in December 2009 was to bring a semblance of stability in the party and prevent the party from disintegrating into numerous factions. But the latent divisions in the party remained palpably all throughout. ends