"I have seen in the news that members of these covert forces were caught by law enforcement while trying to make fake [ballot] seals. Therefore, we must remain alert to ensure that no one can enter with fake seals in their pockets," BNP chief Tarique Rehman said.
“You must stay alert. In the area, in the neighborhoods, you must keep an eye on things, so that these covert forces cannot go and confuse the people. Will you be able to do that?" Tarique said in an election meeting in Dhaka.
Electioneering has picked up in Bangladesh and hence among many other issues, the rise of Jamaat is also being debated.
Perhaps the most striking, and largely unforeseen, political developments in Bangladesh has been the unprecendented surge in support for Jamaat-e-Islami since Aug 2024.
The Islamist party’s rise has been so dramatic that, although recent polling suggests the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) is likely to secure a majority in the February 12 election, some commentators argue that the Jamaat-led alliance could still emerge victorious.
Which model of politics has worked so well for them ? The answer can be BJP in India and the RSS Model. How ?
Jamaat’s response reinforced its image as a disciplined organisation capable of translating its resources into tangible support.
From 2024; the Jamaat is pushing
--- welfare politics— Its getting into charitable works and becoming more visible into mutiple sectors. They are displaying themselves as members of an organised and disciplined body. Ghis has made a mark with middle class because so far all parties of Bangladesh basically were practicing hooliganism.
Are we smelling -- the party with a difference tag associated with the BJP ?
Another cornerstone of Jamaat’s strategy has been around building "reputation" for probity and claimed to be corruption free nation.
On this both Awami League and BNP have reputation of being highly involved in corruption cases.
When the Hasina government fell and the manner she was ousted; many Bangladeshis presumed this would mark the end of systematic extortion and syndicate-run business and the general business of politics.
Source say since 2024, many of the extortion networks previously controlled by Awami League cadres were quickly taken over by BNP-aligned groups.
Again Jamaat is not seen involved in this and this is also a case of 'party with a difference'.
Jamaat is seen as an outfit which collided with Pakistanis and allegedly opposed the independence of the new nation in 1971. But for a growing and increasingly influential younger demographic, 1971 feels distant, abstract, and less relevant to their immediate socio economic concerns.
Following the fall of Awami League, hundreds of families were grieving lost relatives, and thousands more were caring for those seriously injured.
Jamaat mobilised systematically to identify these families and, where possible, provide direct assistance—reportedly giving at least Tk 100,000 to each bereaved household and financial support to many of the injured, often through hospital visits.
The two other parties do not have such positive image.
For a large portion of the electorate, Jamaat’s role during the Liberation War is no longer politically important.
Several factors may help explain this shift. First, the senior Jamaat figures accused of involvement in 1971-era crimes were convicted and executed during Awami League’s time in office.
The collapse of Awami League has significantly weakened the potency of its long-standing political narratives, one of which centred on repeatedly invoking Jamaat’s alleged war-crimes legacy.
There were no widespread reports of Jamaat-run extortion rackets or organised corruption at the grassroots.
This distinction, in their mind, reflects a deeper structural difference.
Many local BNP activists apparently support the party in the expectation that access to power will bring financial opportunity.
While individual BNP politicians did offer aid in some cases, their efforts were neither as extensive nor as coordinated.
Organisational discipline
Jamaat has benefited from its organisational strength.
Almost immediately after the fall of Awami League, it began preparing in earnest for elections.
Jamaat has invested heavily in face-to-face voter engagement, including extensive door-to-door outreach in rural areas—an approach that RSS also does.
Jamaat as the party of ‘change’
Following the fall of Awami League, there was a widespread public desire for change—change from autocracy, entrenched corruption, and what many described as the country’s “tired old politics.” In a political contest between BNP and Jamaat, it is Jamaat that, for some voters, is likely to more convincingly embody that sense of renewal.
Jamaat is often viewed as an outsider party, not deeply embedded in the patronage and corruption networks.
Ends
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