Assam is the only state placed in a standalone “Special Revision” (SR), designed to cater for its unique NRC-linked demographic verification history.
Unlike SIR states, BLOs here are not collecting the detailed enumeration forms tied to 2003 records. Instead, they are cross-checking existing entries against pre-filled registers while simultaneously rationalising polling stations — reducing the voter count per booth from 1,500 to 1,200, as it is being done in SIR states.
House-to-house verification began on November 23, 2025 and the qualifying date for eligibility was January 1, 2026.
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| Lumding Rail station in Assam : snap by blogger |
Now in the run up to the assembly elections in Asssam; analysts say the SR has already shown its positive impact.
There are three point benefits, they say.
1. The SR has able to identify a large number of alleged Bangladeshi infiltrators. Hence, there is "objection" to these names being included in voters list. In the process, there is a strong sentiment of "discouragement" against getting Bangladeshi infiltrators included in voters' list unlike the Congress era under Late Tarun Gogoi or even Late Hiteshwar Saikia.
2. There is a growing section of "such Bangladeshi Muslim infiltrators" who are slowly realizing the reality and could even prepare fast to go back 'home'.
3. Thirdly, those who have been "sheltering" infiltrators may now realize that such strategies to change state's demography cannot work anymore.
Bangladeshi infiltration into Assam has multiple facets that deserve close scrutiny. One key methodology has been --
the influx of Bangladeshi Muslim women as "house maids" to get employment at much cheaper payments.
They take assistants from local Masjid Committees or other Muslim informal bodies and rich individuals to gradually get mingled with local population.
That Muslim men are allowed have more than one wife is also often mischievously used to help the illegal infiltrators.
The simpleton issue of 'insiders/natives and outsiders' is precisely very vast and hotly talked about
issues in Assam and other northeastern states. Some of these issues came up for closer analyses naturally.
But it also ought to be appreciated that in Christian and tribal dominated states such as Nagaland, Meghalaya and
Mizoram --- all non tribals are 'outsiders'. Muslims in general are called Miyas.
The outsiders in Mizoram are called 'Vai Naupang'; they are 'plain manu' in Nagaland and 'Dhwaker' in
Meghalaya. These definitions do not differentiate between Bangladeshis and 'other Indian citizens' or between
Muslims or Hindus.
In the context of Assam, it is always a case to argue that statistics often conceal more than what they
reveal. But for people of Assam, these census figures are like hot potatoes!
Assam’s Muslim population has increased in 2011 to 34.22 per cent, a quantum leap of over four per cent from
2001 while the Hindu population has been around 61.46 per cent. Some claims are now being made
that the Muslim population has probably witnessed further north-bound graph between 2011 and 2021.
During the UPA regime, Home Minister P Chidambaram had said that illegal immigration had been
'one major issue', but that point often gets lost in the din. That’s the paradox of North-east India and precisely
a factor for 'agony' of Assam.
Let us revisit the official data released by the Census authorities. The Muslim population increased between 2001 and 2011
by 28.8 percentage points in Darrang district, 14.88 points in Kamrup, 13.86 points in Nalbari and 11.37 points in Barpeta.
Interestingly, in districts bordering Bangladesh, Dhubri saw a rise of 5.67 points and Karimganj 4.08 points.
So does this imply — as Muslims are growing in numbers in districts away from the international border —
that there’s a decline in the Bangladeshi influx?
But this could be a fallacy. Sociologists maintain that 'substantial Bangladeshis' have made ways in states like Kerala and various parts of Assam, Maharashtra and West Bengal essentially for employment.
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