The secret of Modi-Shah-Nadda electoral strategies lies in the fact that Mamata Banerjee’s ‘hawai chappal’ and claim to simpleton life style has been ‘questioned’ by a large section of voters.
The BJP has succeeded to make Pishi-Bhaipo (Mamata-Abhishek Banerjee) duo a symbol of corrupt, tyranny and worse an image of 'dynastic succession'.
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| Populism |
BJP's win will make 'Hindu- Hindi-Hindustan' an acceptable norm
New Delhi: There could be a commonality between ‘Bhadralok’ of West Bengal and ‘Baniyas’ in Gujarat.
The politics of Bhadralok – otherwise meaning gentleman-and-high caste – dominated the eastern Indian state’s polity for long.
In Gujarat, Baniyas are traders – but the entire state often gets the tag of being ruthless entrepreneurs. These ‘tags’ often are overdone.
Importantly, as explained by a Siliguri-based intellectual said, “For the first time, voters in Bengal started thinking on their own and not in the idiom of the communists or the culture of freebies and minority appeasement of Mamata Banerjee”.
The Bhadralok in Bengal did not cherish ‘caste-based’ politics as the term is understood in UP or Bihar. Yet the politics of these ‘elites’ came to be known as the politics of the state. The CPI-M hierarchy was always dominated by Brahminical and upper castes order.
Do a checklist of "who’s-who" and we know the list would have Chatterjees, Mukherjees and Banerjees etc. In Congress too, the same surnames did the round.
Pranab Da was always proud of his ‘priesthood’ talent.
Jyoti Basu, an upper caste Hindu was replaced by Buddhadeb Bhattacharya. And in Trinamool too – there were likes of Mamata Banerjee, Sudip Bandyopadhyay --- till the time Suvendu Adhikari and Mukul Roy chipped in.
But on and after May 2 when votes will be counted and if BJP can achieve the ‘unthinkable’ and come to power, there will be a major turning point in Bengal politics.
The Narendra Modi-Amit Shah-J P Nadda trio would achieve ‘something’ which was not possible in Bengal without ‘Bhadralok intelligentsia’. Never in the state’s history, were the upper caste and Kolkata-based intellectuals and their Left-liberalism marginalised in this manner.
In fact, in 2019 CPI-M had banked on ‘upper castes’ factor but then Left supporters had decided to back Modi and BJP. And thus, they did not mind taking the slogan ‘Jai Shri Ram’ repeatedly.
Of course, the BJP’s win – if that happens on May 2 counting – would be possible singularly driven by the ‘Narendra Modi’ factor.
Although, it would not be proper to undermine the roles of other factors like defection of Suvendu Adhikari and blatant appeasement politics of Mamata Banerjee.
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| Did she give freehand to Basu ? |
In Jan-February, I interacted with some intellectuals in Siliguri. One of them summed it up very well: “Nothing can actually galvanize the support of Hindu voters for Modi and BJP other than Modi’s personal image. Such polarisation was seen at the national level in 1989 during L K Advani’s Rath Yatra, then in 2002 and 2014 and importantly this time around in Bengal”.
The individual had requested me not to identify him at least for a year even if BJP wins. The reference was to poll related violence in the state.
He also said: “The Modi-Shah strategies have achieved certain elements which BJP was looking for. First, the issues to win election, it could rope in support of backward castes, Rajbongshis and Namasudras despite the Hindutva politics and crucially a ‘hope’ for Bengal voters that yes, power can be captured in this state also”.
In other words, one could say – the secular-Left ivory tower expertise on everything from idol worship to sharing Teesta water has been challenged.
There is now a new political philosophy – ‘Hindu-Hindi-Hindustan’ which has been made acceptable by the people. Thus ‘Jai Shri Ram’ could not be dismissed as a slogan of the north India and Gujarat.
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| Does Pragmatism give one 'liberty' for anything? |
For the first time, voters in Bengal started thinking on their own and not in the idiom of the communists or the culture of freebies and minority appeasement of Mamata Banerjee.
Even if BJP fails to come to power but manages 100 plus seats, many say this itself would signal a major victory for the proponents of the Hindutva politics.
There are over 28 percent of Muslim population in West Bengal. Hence, not only the religious minority voters matter a lot in the state polls; actually ‘Hindu polarisation’ would also matter.
In fact, the saffron party could win 18 seats out of 42 in 2019 and recorded a jump of about 30 percent (from its 2016 vote share of just 10 percent) votes because there was overwhelming Hindu polarisation with the Bengali middle class rooting for the BJP.
ends
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