West Bengal provincial polls may decide which idea of India shall prevail

 West Bengal provincial polls may decide which idea of India shall 

New Delhi/Kolkata 

The West Bengal Assembly Election 2026 is increasingly framed as a contest between native Bengali culture and the BJP’s Hindi–Hindu push.

The most striking irony is political convergence. The state's ruling party Trinamool Congress long accused of Muslim appeasement now speaks loudly about building a Jagannath temple and a few others dedicated to Hindu deities. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s outreach to Hindu voters—once unthinkable—has earned her the label of a “seasonal Hindu.”

As they say; Bengal is changing and so is India. And the question 2026 will answer is not merely who wins power in Kolkata —once the seat of British Colonial power -- but rather whose idea of India prevails.

Since Modi became Prime Minister more than 11 years ago, India has undergone a silent cultural transformation—anti-elite, anti-English, and increasingly anti-intellectual. Modi’s 2025 call to end India’s “western mindset” by 2035 only reinforced this shift. Ironically, the regime has also produced a new elite—provincial, pro-Hindi, and unapologetically majoritarian.

In Bengal, this transformation collides with a strong sense of linguistic and cultural selfhood. What once empowered Mamata Banerjee—anti-Left liberalism—made her nearly invincible. Today, however, Hindutva forces want to challenge the Trinamool Congress head-on.

Against an electorate fragmented by caste and religion, the BJP has previously demonstrated its ability to stitch together a pan-Hindu vote in electorally crucial states. Translating less than one-third of the vote share into a parliamentary majority in 2014 and 2019 was not accidental—it reflected Narendra Modi’s personal charisma, disciplined organisation, and selective deployment of Hindu nationalist tropes where they resonated most.

In Mamata Banerjee-ruled Bengal, the BJP believes the contest transcends routine electoral arithmetic. For the saffron party, it is a battle to “protect civilisational values.” Over the last decade, the BJP has steadily worked to make its ideological triad—Hindu-Hindi-Hindustan—socially acceptable across large swathes of India. The success in municipal politics in Mumbai is cited internally as proof that slogans once dismissed as regional—like “Jai Shri Ram”—now carry national resonance.

Unlike its glorious intellectual and cultural past, West Bengal today is often described as a landscape of violence, turmoil, and persistent economic stagnation. The state that once produced Tagore, Vivekananda, Nazrul Islam, Satyajit Ray and Amartya Sen is now better known nationally for political killings, flight of capital, and social intimidation.

This decline did not happen overnight. Critics argue that the seeds were sown during the 34-year Left Front rule (1977–2011) and deepened under the Trinamool Congress (TMC) government led by Mamata Banerjee since 2011. The cumulative effect, they say, has been the collapse of Bengali culture as a confident, plural, and intellectually vibrant force.

Ironically, it is this vacuum that allowed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to emerge as a serious challenger. Through sustained grassroots work, the BJP expanded its base among Rajbongshis, Namasudras, Matuas, Koch-Rajbongshis, smaller Adivasi groups, Christians, Gorkhas in the hills, and rural poor in districts like Bankura, Purulia, Birbhum, and Jhargram—despite its Hindutva-centric politics.

Amid repeated debate and political and social controversies on beef eating, a prominent Protestant, Pastor Saroj Roy,  in Coochbehar in northern part of West Bengal told me recently -- "Beef eating is hardly an issue. We Rajbongshi Christians do not take beef".

"No one has asked us to eat or not to eat anything. My Bible and my religion tells me ..... if my eating anything causes any difficulties for any of my friends and neighbours; I should not eat the same," Roy said.

There are about 80 Christian families under his  Church of God local church and he added: "As per my knowledge no Rajbongshi Christians in Coochbehar or even in north Bengal eat beef".  

Many among these groups believe that appeasement of Muslims, practised first by the Left and later intensified by the TMC, made sections of Muslims politically assertive at the cost of SC, ST, and OBC Hindus in rural Bengal. Resentment also grew over allegations that Muslim communities cornered a disproportionate share of quota benefits of other underprivileged.

At the same time, Bengal’s traditional bhadralok elite—Brahmins, Kayasthas, and Baidyas, together less than a fifth of the population—continued to dominate academia, culture, media, and administration. For vast sections at the margins, the BJP became a vehicle of protest against this entrenched hierarchy.

Yet, the BJP’s challenge goes far beyond arithmetic. The Partition of Bengal, which inflicted disproportionate suffering on the poor and lower castes, still shapes the state’s psyche. Cultural identity here is layered, emotional, and deeply suspicious of ideological imposition.

As the 2026 Assembly election approaches, these tensions are being discussed—often in veiled terms. While the Left is remembered for ideological rigidity and economic decay, the TMC is increasingly accused of cultivating a “threat culture” marked by political violence and the erosion of free thought.

 Aurobindo Sen, a retired banker, agrees, noting that the use of intimidation and “rowdyism” shows troubling continuity from the Left era.

Economically, the story remains bleak. Industrial investment continues to elude Bengal, reinforcing cultural stagnation and youth migration. This raises a central electoral question: can ‘poriborton’ truly happen under the BJP?

The BJP, however, carries its own baggage. Its Hindutva is not acceptable to most Hindus in this province who prefer pluralism. Moreover, mercurial leader Mamata Banerjee is also very popular at the grassroots level. 

And by far she remains one of few regional players who is still resisting BJP strongly.

If the BJP succeeds here as it won Mumbai lately; the idea of India -- as it is known will be shakan with a possibility of long term  fallout.

Ends

'Death' of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose has never been convincingly explained

The 'death' of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose has never been convincingly explained. No one is arguing that

Bose was immortal; but the mystery around his death remains an all time enigma of our time.

The Khosla commission record also shows that the so-called eyewitness Dr Yoshimi had

contradicted himself on the timing of Bose's death.

Having said these, one may now debate here how one of the chief protagonists of India's freedom struggle actually was outsmarted by political machinations of some of his contemporaries. 

It is unfortunate for the country that such a thing happened also because Jawaharlal Nehru cultivated friendship and good rapport with Britons like Lord Mountbatten to Sir Stafford Cripps and offered himself at the political stage as a disciple of Mahatma Gandhi.

"On the birth anniversary of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, which is commemorated as Parakram Diwas, we recall his indomitable courage, resolve and unparalleled contribution to the nation. He epitomised fearless leadership and unwavering patriotism. His ideals continue to inspire generations to build a strong India" - Narendra Modi.

***

By 1937 different power games were on. Nehru made a disastrous refusal to induct only two members from the Muslim League in the government of Uttar Pradesh. 

Bose, as President of Congress in 1938, began a fresh attempt to negotiate with Mohammed Ali 

Jinnah for a settlement of the Hindu-Muslim question. But he soon discovered that Nehru was reluctant 

and had already complicated the negotiations.  

Nehru allegedly used to dismiss the existence of the League. He said there were only two parties in India: 

the British and the Congress! 

Was this not a sign of arrogance from a paragon of virtues and democracy ?

Thus Nehru wanted the Congress to not only attain independence for India, he wanted an independent country that is under single party domination of the Congress.

**

Bertrand De-Jouvenel, the French Philosopher who was born in 1903 and has seen Bose era;  was impressed by our country’s size (post 1947 itself) and had said in 1960s later that “Bihar itself has a population equal to France”.

So, India is itself a continent –

India as a nation known to people of my generation – born late 1960s-early 1970s – has progressed. But in retrospect, India as a civilization has been actually in the process of change and each passing day sees that transition in the context of the millennium-old spectrum of social life. All these mean multiple challenges on ground.

Foremost of all these challenges has been one core issue – that is the gap in “absorption” of a rich ancient culture into a new synthesis called modernity.

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose had come in Indian life and had left India at a crucial juncture of its history. Some of his compatriots and albeit political rivals took over the reins of power and perhaps often displayed gross selfishness, partisan ways and parochialism. A new kind of political culture was pushed. It actually accentuated several dormant problems and these have today turned into demons. Some of these cannot be controlled.

The Hindu-Muslim disunity is one of them. Casteism is the other. It only shows Netaji Subhas Bose's leadership and the INA he led was able to shed all these trappings. Sadly, a free India could not. No democracy – as enforced in the manner – actually can achieve that. This was our another faultline, may be. 

So, India is itself a continent – with considerable variety of people, their culture, occupation and climate and natural resources. So perhaps naturally we also inherited the challenges of provincial discrimination, religious (or communal) passions and hatreds. 

Sadly, not enough was done by the Govt and the citizens to conquer these vices. I often wonder, whether Netaji's presence amidst us during such hour would have resolved at least a few problems.

On this birthday, Bose will again hit newspaper and television headlines and blog sites. A few years ago, people spoke about ‘secret and codified’ papers regarding his life and times. They were brought out by the Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2016.

This new leader, Modi - India chose so enthusiastically in 2014, comes from the land of Mahatma Gandhi and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. Without going into details, I ought to share here that Modi also – mildly put - has disapproved  certain things Pt Jawaharlal Nehru did and said.

We will debate these political issues on a later day. But as an ardent admirer of Bose – initially by the fashion as I too was born a Bengali and he is a folk hero of Bengalis. And later by conviction – I beg your attention to the contemporary setting. Things are actually in a mess today and would have certainly pained Netaji. 

 The challenges are many and yet we as countrymen and women continue to contribute in increasing a few – at least every month. The situation we are in, should be enough to wake us up to the realization that the basic game has changed fundamentally. 

Lingering territorial disputes are no longer the driving force. After 78 years, we still have found no answer to starvation and problems on water have only grown manifold.

Instead, it is high time we appreciate that the world and our country should be viewed through economic prism and developmental lens. One community can be rivals to another in one front and at the same time we need to be on a winning partnership in another.

The task ahead is for scrupulous placement of several broken chapters and episodes on an increasingly complex chessboard. 

 

I am referring to the game of chess as this sports teaches each one of us that after the game is over – pawns and the King have to get inside the same box.

Now the practical issues: In 1940s when Bose had left us in agony and even few years later – in 1947 – when India was divided but free from colonial masters – as a nation India emerged a miserable figure. Our country was stricken with dire poverty. 

But overall there have been intriguing changes in food scenario and plans. The heavy shortfalls in agricultural stocks and targets are now thing of the past.  In industry we have reaped benefits from dependence on heavy industries. But the truncated new-economic culture ensured in many pockets the gap between haves and have nots has increased manifold.

Our farmers often end their lives themselves. We disrespect women and fight over religion.

Some people may appreciate that India was actually a colonial economy par excellence – when we exported raw materials and Britain dumped the manufactured goods. 

From our Asian brothers like Japanese, we need to learn corrective steps on these fronts.

Lately the government is talking about ‘Make-in-India’. Japan or even neighbours like South Korea have over the years utilized the same technical novelties that are prevalent in India but are strangely enough not adequately adopted. Sad na? 

  

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Yunus never felt excited about creation of Bangladesh, claims Awami League leader in exile

Yunus never felt excited about creation of Bangladesh, claims Awami League leader in exile

A key Awami League leader Sushen Chandra Shil has said that the interim government in his country Bangladesh has failed on all fronts.

"The fact of the matter is we should not be surprised. The interim Govt head Muhammad Yunus does not have political acumen nor administrative experience. Moreover; Mr Yunus never felt excited about creation of Bangladesh," Shil told this journalist from his hideout.

He further said -- "Yunus was in the west since 1970. He did not know what feeling for a new country is. Joy Bangla is just nota slogan. Today saying Joy Bangla yields mob attack. This is the sad part of the story of post August 2024 Bangladesh". 

Shil - Awami Leader in exile

With moist eyes and choked voice; Shil admitted that the Awami League leadership must have committed mistakes as "to err is human" -- but added : "There is a need to know or analyse whether my leader Sheikh Hasina deserved this kind of exit from power. Hence, I always say what happened in July-August 2024 was part of a deeper and larger conspiracy. It was a protest aimed at violent method for regime change and so we were victims of western machinations".

He also said -- "The manner our detractors executed their plans and ousted my leader ... at times I strongly believe even if we could handle the protest differently; within two months something would have surfaced again to bring us down from power".

Shil said - Bangladesh throws up immense challenge for the world community. 

Thus, the global community and India can do a lot. I will not speak further. But what India wants to do is India's decision. The political uncertainty is a serious threat to the South Asia and bigger Asian region and the world appreciates that".

To a question he said : "I am grateful to India for the 1971 revolution and the independence of Bangladesh. The Awami League has to be grateful to India for helping our party survive post August 2024 crisis". 

Between Muhammad Yunus, Jamaat leaders, newly set up NCP and army chief Gen Zaman what's the real game ? 

The former is a stooge of America but the military man maybe closer to China. WHY Bangladeshi people still have "softness" towards India ?

After former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was ousted on August 5, 2024, Bangladesh has been at the centre of power struggle. And how things would unfold; no one will know as of now.

Certainly when Bangladesh Army Chief General Waqar Uz Zaman visited Russia in 2024; it caught eyeballs across the world and it also forced people to raise eyebrows.

Now all eyes are on elections. 

Many believe, Bangladesh's interim government, under Yunus, has seen a burst of diplomatic outreach aimed at "de-Indianising" Bangladesh's foreign policy.

Political scientist Bian Sai in a paper published by the National University of Singapore has scrutinized various aspects closely. 

Bangladesh’s ties with Pakistan and China witnessed significant "improvement"; the Yunus regime's domestic handling of the Hindu minority further strained Indo-Bangla relations. 

If the Feb 12 elections bring Jamaat to power; the South Asia may have to prepare for another Taliban type dispensation. 

Ends 

BJP's Revival Path ::: Collapse of Bengali culture and Decades of Political Decay

As West Bengal heads for 2026 elections, the collapse of Bengali culture and decades of political decay pose a sharp test for the BJP’s revival pitch.

Kolkata

Unlike its glorious intellectual and cultural past, West Bengal today is often described as a landscape of violence, turmoil, and persistent economic stagnation. The state that once produced Tagore, Vivekananda, Nazrul Islam, Satyajit Ray and Amartya Sen is now better known nationally for political killings, flight of capital, and social intimidation.

This decline did not happen overnight. Critics argue that the seeds were sown during the 34-year Left Front rule (1977–2011) and deepened under the Trinamool Congress (TMC) government led by Mamata Banerjee since 2011. The cumulative effect, they say, has been the collapse of Bengali culture as a confident, plural, and intellectually vibrant force.

Ironically, it is this vacuum that allowed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to emerge as a serious challenger. Through sustained grassroots work, the BJP expanded its base among Rajbongshis, Namasudras, Matuas, Koch-Rajbongshis, smaller Adivasi groups, Christians, Gorkhas in the hills, and rural poor in districts like Bankura, Purulia, Birbhum, and Jhargram—despite its Hindutva-centric politics.

Many among these groups believe that appeasement politics, practised first by the Left and later intensified by the TMC, made sections of Muslims politically assertive at the cost of SC, ST, and OBC Hindus in rural Bengal. Resentment also grew over allegations that Muslim communities cornered a disproportionate share of OBC quota benefits.

At the same time, Bengal’s traditional bhadralok elite—Brahmins, Kayasthas, and Baidyas, together less than a fifth of the population—continued to dominate academia, culture, media, and administration. For vast sections at the margins, the BJP became a vehicle of protest against this entrenched hierarchy.

Yet, the BJP’s challenge goes far beyond arithmetic. The Partition of Bengal, which inflicted disproportionate suffering on the poor and lower castes, still shapes the state’s psyche. Cultural identity here is layered, emotional, and deeply suspicious of ideological imposition.

As the 2026 Assembly election approaches, these tensions are being discussed—often in veiled terms. While the Left is remembered for ideological rigidity and economic decay, the TMC is increasingly accused of cultivating a “threat culture” marked by political violence and the erosion of free thought.

“The Mamata government is intolerant of dissent and quick to use the state machinery to silence critics,” says Sujit Ghosh, a Kolkata-based taxi operator. Aurobindo Sen, a retired banker, agrees, noting that the use of intimidation and “rowdyism” shows troubling continuity from the Left era.

Economically, the story remains bleak. Industrial investment continues to elude Bengal, reinforcing cultural stagnation and youth migration. This raises a central electoral question: can ‘poriborton’ truly happen under the BJP?

The BJP, however, carries its own baggage. Past missteps by senior leaders helped Mamata Banerjee build a narrative that the party does not understand Bengal’s ethos. Several central leaders have stumbled over Bengal’s history, language, and cultural icons—fuel for TMC propaganda.

Former BJP president J P Nadda’s erroneous remark that Rabindranath Tagore was born in Santiniketan became emblematic of this disconnect. 

Critics further argue that the BJP’s Hindi-centric, nationalistic rhetoric, especially on issues like “infiltrators,” clashes with Bengal’s plural traditions shaped by figures such as Kazi Nazrul Islam.

This sets the stage for 2026. The election may not merely be about governance or corruption—it could well become a referendum on whether Bengali culture can be revived, and by whom.

The BJP’s dilemma is stark: can it promise cultural renewal without appearing culturally alien? The answer may decide whether Bengal witnesses another cycle of continuity—or a genuine rupture with its recent past.

(This is an opinion piece. Views expressed are author’s own)

(Courtesy - The Raisina Hills) 

Rs 16 crore --- just "peanuts" ---- 'Friends of the Hill People' -- that is the Assam Rifles may forgo Rs 16 crore and vacate the ARTC land in Dimapur for Airport

A substantial portion of land at Dimapur Airport- Nagaland’s only civil airport- has remained under the occupation of the Assam Rifles Training Centre– 18.9 acres out of 140 acres, despite the land being under the administrative control of the Airports Authority of India.

     New Delhi Airport model display

The 18.9 acres of land under Phase–I involves construction of aerobridge, proposed parking bay for 14 aircrafts and helicopters from the present four.

The Assam Rifles is supposed to vacate to Shokhuvi village while CRPF has decided to vacate the 8 acres it occupies and shift to Chümoukedima.

On January 7, the director of Airports Authority of India (AAI), Dimapur Airport, clarified that the 18.9 acres of land identified for evacuation constituted the first phase and formed a critical component of the airport’s approved master plan for phase-one developmental works.

The director stated that the ARTC was scheduled to vacate the 18.9 acres by October 2025. However, the process was disrupted after the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), in a communication to the Ministry of Civil Aviation in September 2025, requested that 2.27 acres of the earmarked land be retained “for the time being”.

According to MHA, the request was made due to the presence of an approach road to family accommodation, underground water supply infrastructure, and two transformers located on the said portion of land.

Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio has that the Assam Rifles Training Centre (ARTC) would have to provide Nagaland with a new airport if it does not vacate the land belonging to the Airports Authority of India (AAI) at Dimapur Airport.

Rio made the statement while addressing the media after a Cabinet meeting and Political Affairs Committee meeting held at Rhododendron Hall, Police Complex, Chümoukedima.

Responding to queries on the outcome of deliberations regarding the armed forces’ occupation of airport land, the chief minister said a committee had decided to take up the matter with the concerned central ministry. Now there is a stalemate. 

The ball seemingly lies in the court of the Union Home Ministry and that way also with the Assam Rifles.  

It is claimed that the state government has also cleared the handover of the 17.9 acres. One argument now gained currency is that the cost of neglect or delay in pushing such a product is evident. 

Blogger 

The ARTC has reportedly sought Rs 16 crore for some of the buildings in the occupied areas. This also means ... probably only the compensation issue or the amount is now hindering the project. 

In all fairness this is not a genuine issue to delay such a project. The Assam Rifles has a tradition and pride for being Friends of the Hill People. This is a critical as well sensitive claim given the touchy aspects that figure from time to time. 

As someone who has tracked Assam Rifles as well as the state of Nagaland and Union Home Ministry -- I find this as a non issue. 

One may feel the demand for compensation is crucial. It is also a paltry sum. The amount of Rs 16 crore for a development project is also a peanut amount for the Ministry of Home Affairs. Then why such tactics being deployed ? 

I am not seeking to gain any sympathy/credit or trying to poke my news that we as journalists often do that. Let me state something very sincerely but keeping a long term interest in mind. If the Assam Rifles is genuinely 'friends' of the Hill People -- they can easily vacate the land for a national and public cause. 

The Govt of India and the Union MHA under irreplaceable Amit Shah may also quickly intervene and end the impasse. 

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Omkar and Drone Recast Hindu Pride ::: Namo-led Somnath Swabhiman Parv ::: Historic Temple again reminds Bharat of who it has been—and who it is becoming ....

Government initiatives—ranging from ₹111 crore infrastructure investments to tax exemptions for donors notified in April 2022—have transformed the region into an engine of heritage-driven development. Local livelihoods have flourished. Tour operators speak of Gujarat offering a “bouquet of civilisation—forests, faith, sea, and history.” 

Vendors and workers proudly describe themselves as brand ambassadors of India’s civilisation, echoing Modi’s own words.

For many devotees present, including those who serve tourists daily, Modi’s presence carried emotional weight. His message was clear: heritage and development are not opposites—they are partners. Somnath, he said, represents both India’s spiritual roots and its modern aspirations.

In the 21st century, Somnath’s legend has acquired a new dimension. The temple is no longer just a monument of survival—it is a living assertion of Hindu faith, cultural continuity, and national self-confidence. Under a starlit sky lit by drones and devotion alike, Somnath once again reminded India of who it has been—and who it is becoming.

                               Modi's mentor L K Advani launched Rath Yatra from Somnath in 1990

From repeated destruction to 21st-century resurgence, Somnath Temple rises as a symbol of faith, resilience, and India’s cultural revival under Narendra Modi. 

At Somnath, history does not merely rest in stone—it breathes, chants, and ascends into the night sky. The celebration of Somnath Swabhiman Parv, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, was not just a religious event. 

It was a powerful civilisational statement—where Omkar chanting, devotion, and cutting-edge drone technology merged to tell a thousand-year-old story of resilience.

The defining moment was a spectacular drone show, illuminating the skies of Prabhas Kshetra with divine and historical imagery tracing Somnath’s Swabhiman Yatra—its long journey of destruction, revival, and rebirth. Hundreds of drones choreographed visuals that left devotees spellbound, immersing the sacred township in devotion and a renewed sense of national pride.

The symbolism was unmistakable. Somnath, the first Jyotirlinga of Lord Shiva, has once again risen—like a phoenix from its ashes. The temple has endured repeated assaults on faith and identity, from the invasions of the medieval period to long decades of neglect. 

Yet, time and again, it has returned, rebuilt by believers who refused to let history end in rubble.

Destroyed after 1290 by Alauddin Khilji, restored by the Chudasama ruler Mahipala, desecrated again under subsequent regimes, and finally ordered to be destroyed “beyond the possibility of repair” by Aurangzeb in 1701, Somnath’s story mirrors the endurance of Hindu civilisation itself. As chronicled by K.M. Munshi, Somnath was never merely a temple—it was a test of cultural survival.

That survival gained new momentum in independent India under Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, whose personal supervision ensured the temple’s reconstruction. Later, leaders like Dr Rajendra Prasad and Morarji Desai nurtured its revival. In the 21st century, that legacy has found continuity under Prime Minister Modi—now also the Chairman of the Shree Somnath Trust, a role he assumed unanimously in January 2021.

Somnath today stands tall on the shores of the Arabian Sea, its 150-foot Shikhar crowned by a 10-ton Kalash, its Dhwajdand soaring 27 feet high. Beyond faith, it has emerged as a major spiritual tourism hub, drawing lakhs of pilgrims and tourists from India and across the world.

(courtesy - The Raisina Hills)

ends 

Mumbai refined Identity Politics .... It has not turned away all that !! ::: Big Picture --- BMC Verdict -- Thackeray Parochialism Faces Voter Rejection

 BMC verdict signals Mumbai’s return to Hindu nationalism blended with development—the political grammar of Modi 

Mumbai has delivered a verdict that goes far beyond municipal arithmetic. The rejection of the Thackeray cousins—Uddhav and Raj—is not merely an electoral setback; it marks the collapse of Marathi-manus parochialism and the consolidation of what may be called “genuine Hindutva with development.”

Maharashtra’s historical proximity to Gujarat—geographical, commercial, and ideological—is often underestimated. Long before the BJP became a national force, western India witnessed the early churn of Hindu revivalism. Gujarat’s industrial ecosystem, its encounter with Left trade unionism, and its social response to perceived cultural erosion made it fertile ground for the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s organisational expansion under Keshav Baliram Hedgewar.

Over decades, the RSS and later the BJP patiently worked to reshape social life around Hindu nationalism—not as elite conservatism, once associated with the Hindu Mahasabha, but as a broad-based civilisational identity. That long journey appears to have reached a decisive urban milestone in Mumbai.  

For Uddhav Thackeray, the BMC elections were existential. The Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation—Asia’s richest civic body—had been Shiv Sena’s fortress for over 25 years. His 2019 decision to sever ties with the BJP and ally with the Congress and Sharad Pawar’s NCP was a gamble. This election was the final reckoning.

Mumbai’s verdict suggests that voters punished Uddhav not just for governance fatigue but for ideological betrayal. Aligning with parties perceived as “anti-Hindu” cut against the Sena’s foundational ethos—and against Bal Thackeray’s lifelong political instincts.

Equally damaging was Raj Thackeray’s strident Marathi exclusivism. His politics of intimidation—beating up migrants for not speaking Marathi—alienated vast non-Marathi populations that form Mumbai’s economic backbone. The city appears to have issued a moral correction to that phase of fear-driven identity politics.

As Sanjay Nirupam aptly noted, Mumbaikars have set a clear agenda: development, development, and only development. That agenda now travels comfortably with Hindu nationalism—no longer shrill, but managerial and aspirational.

The numbers confirm the shift. The BJP-led Mahayuti swept the BMC with 118 seats; the BJP emerged as the single largest party with 90 seats, while the Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) followed with 28. The once-dominant Shiv Sena (UBT) was reduced to political irrelevance in its own backyard.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi described the mandate as an endorsement of welfare and governance. More accurately, it is an endorsement of post-parochial Hindutva—a politics that rejects linguistic intimidation while embracing cultural confidence and urban development.

Mumbai has not turned away from identity politics. It has refined it. 

(courtesy - The Raisina Hills) 

ends