Film maker Vivek Agnihotri of 'Kashmir Files' given Y Category security :::::: Yogi's win: Reshaping India's century

Film maker Vivek Agnihotri of 'Kashmir Files' given Y Category security

New Delhi

Film maker Vivek Agnihotri has been given 'Y' category security with CRPF cover pan India, sources said on Friday. 

Agnihotri's movie 'The Kashmir Files' starring Mithun Chakraborty, Darshan Kumar and Anupam Kher, has smashed all records at the box office. It earned Rs 97.30 crore in seven days, and will likely enter Rs 100 crore-club today, on March 18.

'The Kashmir Files' is Hindi film written and directed by Vivek Agnihotri and produced by Abhishek Agarwal.

The film portrays the story of the exodus of 'Kashmiri Hindus' in the early 1990s due to the enhanced Kashmir insurgency by Pakistani-sponsored terrorists. 

In the film Mithun playing the role of a senior civil servant calls the gory chapter a 'genocide'.

Pallavi Joshi plays an intellectual academician and a great motivator. She is suave, throws her one-liner

carefully and waxes eloquently. The impact is huge. The youngsters adore her.

And only at the fag end of the film - she talks about her real intent 'the battle of narratives' she has to win.

She uses a Kashmiri Pandit as an ultimate pawn. But she stands exposed at the end as her 'nexus' with a Kashmiri

terrorist comes to light.

The film makers had met Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has not only endorsed the movie but alsosaid that an 'ecosystem' was at work to suppress the truth.

The Prime Minister slammed the “ecosystem that is involved in burying the truths” and urged his party colleaguesand MPs to stand up for those who “bring out the truths and facts that have been suppressed for years".

Some dialogues in the film 'The Kashmir Files' are worth pondering about.

The protagonist journalist tells a former top cop : "You were given Padma Sri, so

that you remain silent".

ends 

Edited version came in 'Organiser' as Cover 

'The Modi-Yogi wave has swept Uttar Pradesh once again. Yogi's win in particular is neither a flash in the pan nor a product of circumstances.

The BJP win actually will go a long way in reshaping the destiny of India

New Delhi

When the going gets tough, it is the tough who gets going.

Ultimately, as the poll results poured in on Thursday, March 10, it became clear that
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's mass appeal, repeated utterances about Double Engine

and 'performance' at various states seemed to make all the difference in electoral politics.

Top of these comes the Prime Minister's killer instinct, a sense of key decisiveness and major 

roles played by his fellow compatriots and junior colleagues Yogi Adityanath, Amit Shah and J P Nadda.

The repeal of three farm laws in November 2021 has proved politically helpful and in contrast the 
voters were least impressed by what people said even about western Uttar Pradesh.

In the past - that is 2017 December,  Narendra Damodardas Modi had saved BJP's prestige in his home state of  Gujarat in a tough fight.

But in Uttar Pradesh and elsewhere the success of the pro-Hindu party in 2022 in Manipur and also Goa - two states with substantial Christian populations - rested safely on the shoulders of its leader and the Prime Minister.

He has of course packaged and presented his winning image of a Hindu leader who struggles hard for India’s development. Even UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath figures in that scenario. These matter.

"Please do not underestimate our inclusive development agenda," Virendra Sachdeva, a Delhi BJP vice president and a member of party's Good Governance cell, told 'Organiser'. 

"This is one thing which is not appreciated in the media, but I tell you this makes all the difference. Just when there was sinister campaign that minorities are not happy, we have Muslim voters in Uttar Pradesh and Christian voters in Goa and Manipur voting overwhelmingly for the BJP," says Sachdeva.

The UP elections as also in Uttarakhand were tough this year in the north. 

The BJP as a ruling dispensation and Narendra Modi's government had come under severe criticism for
alleged joblessness, farm issues and management of Covid19 crisis especially in 2021.

But ultimately, it is the people who matter. 

Hence even in Baghpat, the so-called Jat heartland, the BJP nominee Yogesh Dhama has established 

a comfortable lead of 1336 votes against his nearest Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) nominee Mohd Ahmed Hameed.

In terms of factors, on grounds several reasons count. Some of it are strongly criticised during implementation.

But once the risk is taken, these bring in political dividends.

If the Triple Talaq Bill piloted by the BJP in 2017 would be seen in times to come as one of the 

best known political googly of our time. In 2022, the marriage age draft law perhaps appealed to the Muslim women. Do not forget, BJP lawmaker and now MoS External Affairs Meenakshi Lekhi had said in Parliament, "When they have a brother like Narendra Modi, they (Muslm women) do not need to be afraid of anyone".

In Goa and Manipur, the BJP leaders could directly establish communication with Christians. 

In Manipur, the Kukis, mostly Christians, backed the saffron party and its peace policies towards insurgency groups. This has influenced party performance in a big way.

In terms of re-election of Yogi Adityanath as the chief minister of India's most populous state Uttar Padesh, it is now proved that the northern state has given the country a new generation leader.

The saffron-clad Adityanath, born Ajay Singh Bisht in 1972, is 50--years-old, 22-years younger than PM Modi. 

UP voters stick to BJP

In choosing Adityanath — one who adheres to an ascetic life style based on yoga — the BJP leadership in 2017 had not only authorized him to rule Uttar Pradesh but also given Hindu groups a new generation of leadership. Since then Yogi has been one of the star campaigners for the BJP in Karnataka and Tripura polls as well. 

In between 2017 and 2022, Yogi has given Uttar Pradesh a better law and order situation with goondaism doing a vanishing act. Several gangsters have been put behind bars. The BJP implemented two of its major electoral promises - the abolition of Art 370 in Kashmir and construction of a Ram temple at Ayodhya.

Both Prime Minister Modi and Yogi have trademark personalised style of campaigning. These had electrifying impact in many constituencies and even demoralised party workers for whatever reasons were galvanised into actions.

Both Modi and Yogi tried to keep themselves rooted to the ground. Modi's Varanasi stay and interaction with

commoners was also a game-changer.

Pramod Pandey, a voter in Baghpat, had said on the polling day - "The opposition campaign went haywire 

when they started attacking Modi and Yogi Adityanath personally. Samajwadi party claimed that there was 

no progress in UP Gujarat under BJP. Such campaigns did not go down well with people.

Public opinion did not accept these". 

"Public mood is set for development, this is the win of 'Modi-Yogi' double engine government.
People have voted on the issues of security and infrastructure. After 30 years a same party is forming
government in UP for the second time," BJP leader Rita Bahuguna Joshi said.

Mayawati-led BSP's tally could be only two.

In comparison, little known Nirbal Indian Shoshit Hamara Aam Dal established lead in five segments while
Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party was leading in four.

The Congress vote share was 2.4 percent while BSP's vote share was around 12, but the former Chief Minister Mayawati-led outfit could not win many seats. Apna Dal (Soneylal) is likely to win 11 seats.

BJP wins 4-1

In the ultimate, the winners take it all. The BJP has safely retained powers in all four states - UP,

Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur. The state of Punjab offers different political dynamics and hence 

the Congress was handed over a convincing defeat.

At the national level, AAP and Congress are now in the same league -- having powers
in two states each. Congress has its own chief ministers in Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh and shares
power with alliance partners in Maharashtra and Jharkhand. AAP has Delhi and now Punjab.
In UP, Congress vote share came down to 2 and possibly it can win only one seat.

For Congress, Punjab Chief Ministerial face Charanjit Singh Channi, described as a 'masterstroke' card of Rahul Gandhi lost both seats he contested. Cricketer-turned-neta Navjot Singh Sidhu was humbled. In Uttarakhand Harish Rawat lost. 

But look at the height of arrogance; instead of feeling humbled at the mandate,

Rawat said - "I cannot understand people saying 'BJP zindabaad' despite inflation".

Incidentally, Rawat was another hand-picked soldier of Rahul army and as general secretary he also damaged Congress prospects in Punjab.

In Manipur, the Congress faced a tough situation as regional parties like NPP, NPF and Janata Dal (U) put up much better show than the Congress. The BJP's tally touched 32 in the 60-member House. 

"If these elections were endorsement for the BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's brand of politics. It also means no confidence in Congress and Rahul Gandhi. People have accepted inclusive growth, the Sabka
Saath agenda of Prime Minister Modi," says political analyst Tushar Bhadra in Varanasi. 

Of course in Delhi, party's office bearers say the elections are certainly morale booster for the BJP.
“Now, the stage is set for a more confident battle in other states including in Tripura, Meghalaya, Nagaland and Karnataka and also Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh later this year," says one leader.

BJP's performance was truly commendable in Uttarakhand and Goa. In Uttarakhand, incumbent Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami has had the last laugh.

Dhami said, "There was a jinx that the BJP and Congress form governments alternatively. I have always 

said that all the myths are being demolished and new history is being created after PM Modi has come to power".

Goa Chief Minister Pramod Sawant won the election from his traditional Sanquelim seat. The saffron party managed to

win 20 seats in the 40-member House and the vote share was over 33 per cent.

The big takeaway from Goa was that the electorate has straightway rejected adventurism by Trinamool Congress and thus its vote share was 5.2 and it was far from opening its account.

Manipur mandate pushes for Naga Peace pact :

chief strategist 

The BJP's comfortable win in Manipur without depending on allies like Naga People's Front (NPF) would make the sail easy for the saffron party. There will not be pressure tactics from Naga legislators and hence the saffron party and the Centre can take a decision on Naga issue completely on merits.

A major takeaway from this year's Manipur election is that while the Congress support has dwindled, everyone else including the BJP has benefited out of that block of votes.

BJP's incumbent Chief Minister N Biren Singh has the 'image' of a 'doer' and a leader who struggled hard to present the 'Meitei perception' on the Naga issue to Home Minister Amit Shah in 2019.

This was in the context of Naga demand for 'Greater Nagaland'. All Meiteis worth their salt including Muslims are opposed to disintegration of Manipur. So are tribal groups such as Kukis.

All these have helped the saffron party. Previously Congress veteran Ibobi Singh was a champion of Meitei cause.

The former Chief Minster Ibobi contested this time too but the party's lackadaisical style of pollmanagement and campaign was never taken seriously by voters and ticket aspirants.

Those declined tickets by the BJP rushed to Janata Dal(U) or NPP and hence the outcome where these two parties have done better than Congress is not surprising.

Out of all 60 seats for which trends are available, the BJP has won 23 and was leading in 9 more.

The saffron party's vote share was 37.7 percent -- a significant jump from about 2 percent in 2012.

That Congress is being virtually written off and its tally could come down to single digit (four as of now) make it clear once again that the 'double engine' concept of Prime Minister Narendra Modi works best in Manipur.

ends

Does NPP have a future in Nagaland?

 

Blogger 

 

New Delhi 

It may be dubbed essentially as a Meghalaya-based outfit and hence all its ventures
in other north eastern states were taken as run-of-the-mill variety. But the NPP has come a long way.

Now, National People’s Party (NPP) national president and Meghalaya Chief Minister Conrad K Sangma is playing a well thought out longterm game. He denies that fiercely fought elections in Manipur have impacted his party's relationship with the BJP. 

This is truly the sign of maturity in a politician and he has also offered to extend support to the BJP government 

in Manipur.

There was no question of a strained relationship between the NPP and the BJP, Sangma said, adding that the 

NPP has always fought elections on its own terms.

“Whether it is Manipur in this election or Manipur in the last election, whether it is Meghalaya election, Assam, Mizoram, Nagaland – in every election we have fought elections separately, we have never fought any election with any political party, there was no alliance," he said on Wednesday, March 16.

"Therefore, there is no question of strain or stress," he underlined. 

In fact, to think of it even as the AAP of Arvind Kejriwal has emerged as a viable alternative to the

Congress party in states such as Punjab, in the north east it is the NPP - which with its regional identity and

national outlook - can really fight the saffron party.

In the northeast of course NPP can be a suitable alternative to the Congress. Of course, Sangma has to

deal with challenges from fellow Garo brother Mukul Sangma, who and his loyalists are now

in the Trinamool Congress and could impact political dynamics in Garo hills.

In fact, Mamata Banerjee-led outfit missed a chance to offer itself as a sincere party of the northeast. It should

have contested Manipur polls much more seriously. The 'misadventurism' in Goa is a puzzle certainly.

But there is nothing wrong with the party of Conrad in taking a friendly stance vis-a-vis the BJP in Manipur.

There are certain 'dynamics of politics' and Conrad understands this is how things go and obviously it is his job

look at the interest of the NPP. 

"Having said that we are still supporting the NDA at the Centre, we are still part of the NEDA, we are still having a strong relationship (with the BJP) in Arunachal Pradesh and we are obviously together in the government in Meghalaya,"

he made the candid admission.

The fact that the NPP would do well in Manipur elections was clear when those deprived BJP tickets 

knocked NPP's doors and did not really make a beeline in front of Congress Bhavan in Imphal - where the

high command had parked a suave Jairam Ramesh.

Now in the context of Nagaland also, there is already a speculation that a few 'formidable' BJP and Congress

leaders could shift allegiance to the NPP as 'alternative' as many of them would not be too keen to work with

regional stalwarts like Neiphiu Rio, Shurhozelie and T R Zeliang.

  

In politics, they say, there is a thinline border between 'upholding of regional pride' and 'arrogance'. Which category

the regional leaders in Nagaland fall actually depends on the onlookers. 

Mr Zeliang has already come under attack from NNPG for his certain media utterances vis-a-vis the future road map

of Naga peace talks.

In these situations, the NPP can play a critical role in next year's polls.

In the 2018 assembly polls, Sangma's party won 2 seats after it contested 25. Notably, the Congress score was

zero from the 18 seats it contested.

Importantly, the NPP's vote share was 6.9 --- something in between 15.3 percent of the BJP and 4.5 percent votes

polled by the JD(U). While the BJP could pick up 12 seats, the JD(U) could win one.

Of course, sheer political opportunism was at play and there was defection and changing of loyalties in favour

of NDPP and chief minister Neiphiu Rio.

Importantly, in terms of ranking, the NPP had finished fourth in the tally after NPF, NDPP and the BJP.

The Congress vote share was 2.1 percent. 

There were 11 Independents and one could win, and they separately formed 4.3 percent of vote share.

Hence, the NPP may have a future in Nagaland as well in 2023 polls provided they get a few credible

faces and leaders with the killer instinct.

ends