New Delhi
Nostalgia can be huge liability sometimes.
A visit to the DIPR new building in Kohima in August 2022 gave a shocking experience.
No one knew how to handle a visiting journalist from Delhi. Even to handover a copy of monthly 'Warrior' magazine, it required half-an-hour standing in the corridors as junior staffers jumped in and jumped out of one room of 'senior officials' to another.
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| Blogger in Itanagar |
Things were no better in the civil secretariat. At Chief Secretary's office, one was told there should have been a prior appointment. And the tiny paper slip could not cross the main doors.
Is a visiting journalist mistaken as a contractor ?
Is political leadership responsible for this? Does this reflect media-government ties in Kohima?
The good old DIPR office of the Late K Peseiye era and that 'shaky building' near the Election Department office near D Block was much better off.
A good cover does not necessarily guarantee you a good book.
Without benevolent assistance, guidance and frequent free lunch, pork momo and regular flow of tea from the Nagaland DIPR, Kohima of nineties, truly yours would not have become a journalist.
In the insurgency-hit violence-prone northeastern region the media has had a different journey --- some of it would not be understood even by media stalwarts in the so-called mainstream national media.
Generally speaking local newspapers were launched in state capitals like Imphal (Manipur) and Kohima (Nagaland) with different intentions. Some were with genuine business-like purpose -- local entrepreneurship to tap state government advertisements revenue.
The Tag of 'local editors' gave one a social prestige and gradually an influence and a possible entry into politics.
The 'weekly' papers meant taking the work leisurely and it suited everyone.
Mhiesizokho Zinyu of 'Nagaland News Review' from Kohima once argued with Chief Secretary TCK Lotha trying to drive home a simple point that -- "we in media are just ordinary social workers, but when we look for an information, we do it as part of our job and not anything else".
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| Former Nagaland CM Vamuzo and blogger in 'Naga Banner' office |
In some cases such as Chalie Kevichusa - who was killed by NSCN-IM in Dimapur in 1992 - he had run his English weekly paper 'Ura Mail' passionately. He was also the last of the 'idealist' politicians Nagaland knew.
He knew how to keep balance between running a paper and being an active neta.
In Manipur and in a few other states, there have been a few newspapers which backed their respective
ethnic/tribal community. Security forces alleged some papers of having a nexus with militant groups. This was
experienced even in Assam.
However, thankfully this was never the case in Nagaland and more than once journalists and editors
earned the wrath of some groups especially during the post ceasefire era. N. Khashito Aye, Editor, 'Hill
Express' also had entered into litigation with the Jamir government in the context of alleged diversion of
Lottery department's money.
From a primordial economy, the north east region is today a 'westernised' world and use of English is
abundant in Nagaland and Meghalaya. A visitor can easily get confused with his or her knowledge on
the conventional tribal life and economy of the indigenous people.
Northeast India is also an urbane society. In all these, keeping the right balance
is a hugely challenging task.
In most cases, the media has struggled though it goes without stating that 'mere survival' in journalism
is near impossible and often fatal. In the nineties, the journalists on receipt of 'Threat Missives' in
Nagaland used to describe them as 'Love Letters'.
However, there is a general refrain that the media should have done more.
How?
There is an inherent fear of the 'outsiders'. Media in the northeast in general did not do much to change
this mindset. Therefore, a traditional mindset of 'reactionary' resistance to all things that is
'not local' persisted.
'Plain manu' is Dhwakar in Khasi and 'Vai Naupang' in Mizoram. To run industry and get your projects
done or to attract investment, you need so-called 'outsiders'. Mere CSR conferences cannot get
you that.
If society was wrong in pushing parochialism and tribalism, the fourth estate also failed to correct it.
How much does a journalist in Kohima know about Mizoram and vice versa?
More importantly, how much 'interest' he or she takes about what is happening in other states
is crucial.
There is yet another important aspect. Parochialism has survived. Mufti Mohammed Syed as Union Home
Minister under V P Singh had called an apex pressure group in Nagaland as a 'parochial body'. No local
or regional media tried to probe into the intricacies involved.
The Khasi Students' Union of Meghalaya at times came under scrutiny of the fourth estate.
In this context, one can cite the role of the All Assam Students' Union in the 1980s.
There is another angle. In most cases of alleged human right excesses committed by forces, the army and
para military forces get the blame. Media will not hesitate to expose such incidents. But political leadership
is seldom criticised. Mizoram capital Aizawl was bombed but Indira Gandhi or the Congress party was hardly
held accountable.
In 1991-92, in Assam, there was a change in the functioning of the army. While 'Operation Rhino' was launched
against ULFA; the forces understood that counter-insurgency operations were as much
a 'war of information' as it was fighting with bullets. But around the same time Guwahati had a news
weekly which had adopted an outright 'pro ULFA' stance and even justified various demands.
In Nagaland yet again, once upon a time, a statement from one potent group even questioned a
sitting Chief Minister's lineage. There was no screening, no editing, but many say journalists have a few options.
At the national level, Arun Shourie was dismissed by the 'Indian Express' owner under controversial circumstances.
More recently, Ruben Banerjee was sacked from 'The Outlook' for running a cover story on Covid crisis in 2021.
The state of Meghalaya once saw the slogan -- 'Khasi by birth and Indian by accident'.
Very few journalists showed the courage and intent to expose the hole.
Senior journalist Patricia Mukhim wrote in 'The Hindu' later -- "The culprits were never caught and no one
has been indicted in any of the acts of communal carnage that happened in Meghalaya".
Nagaland's only Christian Governor M M Thomas (from Kerala) had said: " You don't give a second
thought to writing against the state (government) fully aware that the state will not retaliate to the
extent these anti-national elements would" - as reported in 'Weekly Journal', Kohima - Feb 27, 1991.
In Manipur, in 2007, the entire print medium had to stop publication of newspapers on three different
occasions because of the diktats of militant groups.
There are a number of instances of state government(s) in Manipur, Nagaland and other states
cutting down the advertisement to the local media for being critical of the government and politicians.
The stories of the RN Ravi era and how things turned out in 2022 would be written some other
day.
ends
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