Nagaland special : If BJP stands helpless in Nagaland, it is the making of local leadership

New Delhi 

Leaders whose preeminent dominance is threatened often do not recognise 
major changes around them until it is too late. 

Of course the BJP benefited due to coalition politics in Nagaland. Winning just 12 seats, it is in power since 2018 with Deputy Chief Minister's post also with it.

In March this year it could ensure a Rajya Sabha berth for its women wing chief S Phangnon Konyak and thus it could give a push to Prime Minister Narendra Modi's vision of 'women empowerment' in northeast - where politics has been a male bastion. It is more so for Nagaland which so far has no single elected woman legislator since statehood.

Veteran Jamir: Still has flamboyant style

But the taking away of portfolio of Roads and Bridges is an episode which leaves a section of BJP 

leaders in the state annoyed. The 'compulsion of coalition politics' is not sinking in.

Neiphiu Rio's so-called assertive game is also baffling as it happened at a critical juncture when

if the centre agrees to call it 'enough is enough', a peace accord would be inked at least with the enthusiastic

lot called NNPG. 

The NDPP-led UDA will have to step aside and a new alternative would be worked out. 

The NDPP leaders also are aware of other related issues vis-a-vis Enforcement Directorate 

case and summons. Is there a desperation ?

But from BJP's perspective, the 2023 elections could be crucial to have a government of its own. Five years back,

the saffron party's strike rate was much better than NDPP and NPF. There were 'other factors' working

but at the end of the day people showed confidence in the saffron party and the leadership of Narendra Modi.

So-called 'other factors' did not help Rio much as having contested 40, his party was able to pick up only

18 seats. Out of these, Rio's was an uncontested victory. So it was 17 out of 39. 

The BJP has been organizationally weak in Nagaland and the status quo suited Rio. The Chief Minister's only 

problem was an assertive floor leader of BJP - Y Patton. The Deputy Chief Minister is known for his unique style

of functioning and the Roads and Bridges portfolio came to him only after a tussle.

It was only in July 2019 that Patton could get the Roads and Bridges portfolio for himself in addition to

Home.

Tongpang Ozukum was divested of the 'juicy portfolio' and given Housing and Mechanical.

Local Nagaland BJP leader's mistakes started when they sat in a corner and allowed NPF join

the Rio-led regime. It was an ill-advised move that gave a fresh lease of life to an already sinking

boat called NPF.

Rio only achieved in giving some messages to the BJP that he could easily forget BJP's

magical 12 numbers.

One know of a few BJP leaders who say - "Our own party colour stood faded". 

For quite sometime a few leaders from the state are trying to replace Temjen Imna Along as the 

state unit president.

A senior leader almost was ready for a contest during 2020 organisational polls; but Saroj Pandey 

on behalf of the high command had reportedly persuaded him to withdraw the candidature.

There were others in the race. But with BJP leaders in Nagaland, 'revamping' the party organisation was

never taken up as a priority. It is possible Rio's good working relations with Ram Madhav, the then

general secretary, also played a part.

Old timers will not hesitate to say what Sushilkumar Shinde was to S C Jamir, Ram Madhav played that

role for Neiphiu Rio.

The Non-Naga residents of Dimapur say even on the issue of ILP in the commercial town, Ram Madhav 

did not do much.

Now the BJP needs to rekindle its spirit of establishing itself as a party - which is independent or rather

not dependent on regional partners. 

It is true, the ball is in the high command's court. 

But the task of kick-starting the playtime remains with local BJP leaders. 

They need 'new enthusiasm and new character'. The Lotus party 

needs to revamp it's state unit and free from any controversy.

The saffron party's central leadership is well seized of the issues irrespective of the 'trust' party's

in-charge Nalin Kohli is showing in the alliance politics.

As of now for the BJP central leadership, everything is linked to the fate of Naga peace talks; and thus

peace emissary A K Mishra's feedback to the centre in the coming week is vital.

Assam Chief Minister and NEDA chairman Himanta Biswa Sarma too is expected in Delhi.

All eyes on Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Diphu visit in Assam on April 28 as well.

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Nagaland Page

Link

Did BJP's 'own coalition Govt' in Nagaland fail central leadership ?

(Originally, April 14, 2022) 

New era Naga political hunting: Contest between 'status quo' and 'transition'

What ails Nagaland today ? Why do the peace talks appear to be on the verge of getting derailed?

Essentially, there is a possibility of a contest between 'status quo' and 'transition'.



It is anybody's guess in Nagaland that a final peace accord would render a set of existing politicians jobless or irrelevant.

Of course a new set of players would come in and therein lies the beauty of any peace pact related to insurgency-afflicted states. This was the case in Mizoram.

Incumbent Chief Minister Zoramthanga was a staunch lieutenant of Late rebel leader Laldenga and is today a proud 'citizen of India' and also proud of the public office he holds.
As a result, Mizoram is continuing its developmental journey amid other challenges of course. Insurgency is a matter of the past there. 

Nagas are a proud community. 

In the past many Naga leaders and observers have taken offence to try to judge the 'Naga freedom movement' or insurgency with Mizoram prism.

Swaraj Kaushal faced this problem right from the beginning when he was named as negotiator by the Vajpayee government. Kaushal was a personal friend of Late Mizo rebel leader Laldenga and later became state Governor too.

In Nagaland things are obviously always more complex if not messy. But one thing was certain that the peace accord would possibly bring in a new set of movers and shakers replacing the old and some existing ones.

So there was always a chance of a contest between 'status quo' and 'transition'. 
The peace accord is the first step to change and obviously it did not suit a few.


Did the BJP central leadership not realise this ?


When 'Election for Solution' was promised in 2018, the BJP central leadership trusted all its elected legislators, state ministers and coalition partner NDPP. 

It believed that everyone would work sincerely to bring all stakeholders on table and convince them about the futility of confrontation.


Almost a free hand was given to the state government and state politicians for the initial two years.

At one point, the BJP central leadership sensed a 'trouble area' in Mr Ram Madhav and so when J P Nadda became new party president, Madhav no longer found a berth as general secretary in-charge of north east.

Between 2014 and till his exit, Ram Madhav too almost enjoyed free hand. And this irrespective of media speculation that the Modi government is too much centralised.

From the then Governor R N Ravi it was claimed that talks were over by October 31, 2019. 

He made the statement on the floor of the assembly and thus it cannot be disowned by the NDPP-BJP regime.

 

The elected Nagaland legislators irrespective of party affiliations are also aware that the Governor's speech in state legislatures are endorsed by the cabinet decision.

So they know the state government and Chief Minister cannot deny or disown the statement. Thus, the issue was raised in the April 9 meeting at Kohima.

 

Another regional party NPF is a late comer in the game - now also supporting the Rio-led dispensation.

So far the NPF has not added much to the merit of the case. In fact, many NDPP leaders including its president Chingwang Konyak told party colleagues that the NPF was almost given a second lease of life by Rio and his advisors.

Top of that, NPF wants to have the best of both worlds. It made a gesture for a merger with NDPP but gave it up mid-way at least for the time being after BJP recorded landslide victories in Uttar Pradesh and also Manipur.

Its party chief Shurhozelie wanted to oppose the candidature of woman BJP leader Phangnon Konyak to Rajya Sabha but developed cold feet as he could not muster enough number of MLAs. Any NDPP stalwart had supported Shurhozelie move or not remains a mystery till now.

From New Delhi's point of view, may be 'trust' was reposed more on the state leadership and it was assumed that even the tough negotiators and 'uncompromising' NSCN (IM) would be also 'convinced'.

But nothing much happened except a few rounds of meetings here and there.

A section of BJP leaders are unhappy over the manner things have been handled since 2019 when almost everything was agreed for signing of a peace pact. 

Of course Manipur Chief Minister N Biren Singh with a delegation of Meitei leaders had convinced Amit Shah that no territorial integrity of Manipur will be impacted due to Naga peace accord. 

Last year, even Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma was roped in to meet Naga militant leaders. 

But now in retrospect, the centre thinks enough time was given to the state government and state political leaders. By deputing Himanta, did the concerned players try to raise some questions on the sanctity of Aug 3, 2015 Framework Agreement and PM Narendra Modi's own statement ?

Therefore in the April 12 evening meeting with Home Minister Amit Shah, the Naga leaders including CM Rio and Deputy CM Y Patton (of BJP) were told, "bring everyone on board and there will be an announcement of peace pact".

Some eyebrows have been raised.

Does it reflect some sort of no confidence in the state leadership ? Will the ceasefire end abruptly and will Nagaland re-enter into unfortunate phases of violence ?

The developments related to Naga peace talks are now being monitored regularly at the PMO level.

Naga leaders were also advised reportedly to meet the Prime Minister.
 
The high-profile meeting did take place. CM Rio tweeted to say there were "fruitful deliberations".

Things are truly at a critical stage in more ways than one. Nagaland legislators are already sensing a 'tougher situation' than was presumed by "resourceful parties and politicians".


They have lately mounted pressure on Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio to deliver a peace pact before 2023 elections.


The issues related to ED summons to five individuals - said to be close to Chief Minister Rio - are curious. They do not augur well at all for those who are keen to see things move smoothly and effectively towards desired results.

In the meantime, a question has surfaced: Did BJP's 'own coalition Govt' fail the central leadership ?

ends 

The 'Jamir factor', PM Modi's guts and Kitovi's moment 

"You can really enjoy and relish a curry when it is hot".

Notably, veteran Naga leader S C Jamir, who also served as Gujarat Governor during the tenure of Narendra Modi as the Chief Minister, have been meeting the Prime Minister and insisting on not to delay the peace parleys.

"I have been telling the Prime Minister about the realities of the situation and I think it will be better that things should be expedited. After all, for how long we can go on negotiating," Jamir had told this writer in November last year (as reported by IANS also).

Talking about the Prime Minister's style of functioning and ability to take key and tough decisions, Jamir had said: "The Prime Minister has the guts, that is an advantage. The Naga issue has its complexities. I have seen many Prime Ministers, but one good quality with him is, he takes decisions and it is very important".

New Delhi 

"The Prime Minister has the guts, that is an advantage. The Naga issue has its complexities. I have seen manyPrime Ministers, but one good quality with him (Narendra Modi) is, he takes decisions and it is very important". - S C Jamir had told this scribe in November 2021.

He again held a crucial meeting with Modi on April 5. Not many people can deny their personal rapport.

Mr Modi perhaps fondly remembers that notwithstanding Sonia Gandhi's clear instructions and

constant push by the Manmohan Singh government, Jamir as the Governor of Gujarat did not 

bother Modi much.

Jamir's magical charm was purely political and that of an astute functionary in such a key post.

He virtually rebelled against Delhi's powerful duo Sonia-Manmohan Singh.

"We had a very good relationship though I was there only for five months," Jamir told me. 

"We were good friends. When I became Governor, I told him (Modi), I am ex-Chief Minister so 

I know the responsibility of a Chief Minister. So as Governor I will never interfere".

The truth of the matter is unlike many mainstream and so-called 'secular' netas, Jamir knew the political potential of a man called Narendra Modi.

So the 'friendship' has stuck and Modi - very careful to talk about Congress and ex-Congress leaders - calls Jamir a "statesman".

So when Jamir met PM Modi again this year in April - it was understandably very free, frank and candid interaction.

Some of it was 'unusually frank', if some versions are to be believed.

In interaction with me, Jamir also made a remarkable statement.

"I think there is a limit to everything. When enthusiasm is there, I think it is better that a decision

is taken. Because when the curry is prepared, you can really enjoy and relish it when it is hot.

But when it becomes cold and stale, there will be hardly anybody willing to enjoy the curry". 

One does not miss the obvious that things have moved decisively since Modi-Jamir meet. 

The centre has done well to depute A K Mishra yet again to meet important stakeholders. There was 

no red-tapism about peace emissary Mishra's visit to the NSCN (IM) camp at Hebron too.

Sources said it was only a courteous call and hence all eyes are on the NSCN (IM) delegation meeting

Mishra on Friday. A high-powered NSCN (IM) team has already reached Dimapur.

The NNPG leaders also met Mishra and deliberations were good. From his perspective, Mishra would

not have anything  'new' or different to offer. Perhaps his best refrain in the given circumstances is no one should

doubt the sincerity and commitment of the Government of India to resolve the long pending and complex

issue.

From New Delhi's perspective again, the so-called paper war between the NNPG and the NSCN (IM)

may not be a healthy development. So both sides could be advised to apply restrains.

The demand for resignation of state MLAs and Ministers by the NNPG leadership was also an important

episode in recent socio-political context. Some legislators are not happy with such statements, and others

were perhaps surprised more with the timing.

At the level of NNPG, interesting times are head. Patience is the game. From N Kitovi Zhimomi's 

perspective on the personal front may be exciting part may come within next few weeks. 

It is good, the NNPG's strongly worded statement in last two days still reposes trust in Prime Minister Modi.

The NNPG statement says - "The wisdom of Hon'ble Prime Minister Narendra Modi will matter most in 

the coming days". One cannot agree more.

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