Isak Chishi Swu, Chairman NSCN (IM) : A rebel who believed in the power of “Nagaland for Christ” slogan

Born and brought up in Nagaland and someone who had baptism into journalism in Nagaland itself in early 1990s – when the writ of Isak Chishi Swu and his compatriot Thuingaleng Muivah as NSCN (IM) bosses writ large – I am not quite sure whether Swu rejoiced the tag of being called a guerrilla or an "underground" rebel leader.

Nevertheless, Swu, who like A Zapu Phizo will continue to dominate Naga politics one way or the other, perhaps never aspired to be known as a militant leader. So much was his love for Gospel teaching, that it is not wrong to recall him as a rebel – who believed in the magical power of ‘Nagaland for Christ’.

Isak Chishi Swu, chairman of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM), breathed his last on June 28, 2016. It only shows rebel leaders and guerrilla fighters often directly and indirectly responsible for bloodshed and ambushes, bomb blasts and beheading of Indian army jawans in the name of “movements” too have to die.

This only proves that at some point even rebel leaders find their time is up. But Isak Swu would be best remembered as a rebel with a difference. 

Old timers in Nagaland including among those in the army – who fought his men – would perhaps best remember Swu as a “rarest of his breed” for he held Bible close to his heart than the gun. Perhaps his colleague of many years Thingaleng Muivah had at times tried to remake the NSCN (IM) and even Swu a reflection of his own image — a tough fighter - but this is where Muivah and Swu had differed.

In the words of a former corps commander in Nagaland, while NSCN (IM) general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah was the hardcore militant leader and a pragmatic guerrilla operative, Swu had been a man who immensely believed in the power of God and the magical strength of ‘Nagaland for Christ’ slogan coined after the duo had visited China.

The deadly duo: Muivah and Swu

Left to him Swu would say, it is by the “guidance of Holy Spirit that have seen me through this far”, courtesy his Facebook posting, security apparatus in Nagaland and northeast knew that Muivah was the real "rebel leader". Even the Late Rajesh Pilot, as Internal Security Minister in P V Narasimha Rao government, had said that working out any peace initiative would have been easier with Swu than Muivah.

The death of Chairman of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (IM faction) Isak Chishi Swu certainly has created a void in Naga politics. But his absence would be felt more by his compatriot for many years Thuingaleng Muivah and to an extent by the peace negotiators on behalf of the government of India. 

The truth of the matter is Isak Chishi Swu was the real and powerful unifying factor for his group and Tangkhul Nagas (who are essentially from Manipur) and other Naga tribesmen in the present state of Nagaland. Hailing from Sema (Sumi) tribe of remote Zunheboto district, Swu was actually an “inspiration” for many Sema Nagas and others to join the Naga movement.

The suave Muivah belongs to Ukhrul district of Manipur – the main hub Tangkhul Naga tribe in Manipur. Those in the know, therefore say, Isak's death that way could make government's negotiations with NSCN(IM) much tougher while Mauivah, according to intelligence sources, could find it difficult to carry "tribesmen" from mainland Nagaland.

Other Naga factions have tried to often dismiss NSCN(IM) as a group of Tangkhuls only with support from Semas.

"The clamour call of greater Nagalim – the unification of Naga contiguous areas - as cherished by Muivah in particular and NSCN(IM) in general sense may loss its sheen unlike 1980s and 1990s when Isak and Muivah ran the organisation with firm control over it," said a former Nagaland minister unwilling to be named.

This will only herald testing time for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his team on Naga peace front comprising Ajit Doval (National Security Adviser) and negotiator R N Ravi.

A cautious sense of optimism prevailed as it is in Nagaland and Manipur after August 3, 2015 Framework agreement signed. The people in general and rebel groups wanted to assess details of the pact over the fate of the broad 'framework agreement' signed between the Government of India and the NSCN-IM faction. With Swu gone, the burden to carry forward entire group and the talks now fall on Muivah, who is also on the wrong side of 80.    

Can Modi deliver peace?

The government of India over the years and including the Narendra Modi regime has given "legitimacy" to NSCN(IM) vis-a-vis other outfits. S S Khaplang faction with a sizable base and supporters have already walked out of the peace process and at times stuck at the Indian security personnel.

If things do not move in right direction and importantly carefully - things can go out of hand and there can be bloodshed again.

There is already "absence of clarity" on the salient features agreed upon by Government of India and the "most potent NSCN (IM) faction". While Nagaland government headed by T R Zeliang is largely on board on the peace process; political leaders and the people of Assam, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and perhaps even Myanmar, maintain a wary approach as Nagas inhabit all these states (and Myanmar), and the establishment of 'Greater Nagaland' or the unification of Naga contiguous areas has been the principal demand of the NSCN (IM) for many years.  State governments in Manipur and Assam will find things tricky to handle.

Isak's death would only rekindle all the doubts about the very demand of greater Nagaland because Muivah will need "extensive support" from other tribesmen in Nagaland.

The Naga unification or Nagalim that the NSCN (IM) used to champion has been hanging fire. If it is there, Manipur - especially the valley areas could burn again. And if the demand of greater Nagalim has been dropped, why has it been dropped? 

Muivah will have to face a terse question: What has the NSCN (IM) achieved? And importantly what has those Nagas achieved (in Nagaland) after so much bloodshed and sacrifices? 

Isak Chishi would have softened the mood. Now his absence means there would be a big challenge for the Modi government as also T R Zeliang regime in Kohima. 

Chief Minister Zeliang does understand the complexity of the challenges ahead. Thus he has tried to make a sensible statement by stating that Isak’s death came at a crucial juncture when the Naga Political problem appeared to be on the verge of being solved once and for all. This was certainly lamentable.

“But since the Almighty has pre-determined period of time for all of us in this world, we have to be content with the divine plans. However, to ensure the memory, life and contributions of our legendary leader do not go in vain, we the living must endeavour to fulfil the precious dream he could not witness when alive: Let all sections of the Naga people come together, sink our differences and concertedly work to bring about an early solution to the Naga problem,” Zelaing said.

Tears have not stopped shedding in Naga hills. It can hardly afford another round of bloodshed.

(ends)

Blogger during trip to North East

The Great Wall of China ::: Déjà vu – Lovely Ironies; Of Strangers and Friends – Indi-Chini Bye-Bye

It could have been an hour of momentary set back in any other country. But India is a democracy and crab-syndrome is a typical national habit.

                                         

It is one of the lovely ironies of modern times and democracy in India that “Narendra Modi bashing gang” can easily wax lyrical about both their love for India and Indian pluralism in domestic affairs and at the same time miss no time to enjoy China browbeating New Delhi in NSG game! China stonewalling India’s forward movement for entry into Nuclear Supplier Group (NSG) gave them first major diplomatic handle to take on Modi. “Patriot” Kejriwal, himself a master of U-turns and self-virtuous failed administrator, lost no time and asked almost in hurry: “For its defeat on the NSG issue, shouldn't the PMO be questioned?" 

Does India need any strong opponent outside India?

Anand Sharma was fielded by the Congress party – little realizing that New Delhi’s bid to enter the elite NSG club started in 2008 when Sharma’s Congress party was in power.

But opportunity to attack Modi government cannot be missed.

"Diplomacy is always done by wisdom and silence. We have never seen diplomacy being conducted in this manner, making it very clear who are you lobbying with and whom you are petitioning with," said wiseman Anand Sharma, whose wisdom is decided by his loyalty to the 'wisest Indian' called pappu- na- Rahul.

Other wise men of Congress would be screaming out in next 24 hours or so. The likes of Jairam Ramesh, whose efficiency in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh has already fetched Congress a round “zero” electorally. But this is not the big story.

The big picture lies with Indian intellectuals, columnists and TV anchors who predicted in 2002 that Modi – the “villain” of post-Godhra – is history!

Today, it’s their time again to say – look, we told you…he is a Chae-wallah; he cannot succeed.

But on this backdrop comes a few other issues. Should we revisit Satyajit Ray’s “Ganashatru” or the original play "An Enemy of the People" by Henrik Ibsen?

Blogger's moral inspiration

Scholars and drama critics over the centuries have essentially stressed that An Enemy of the People has two key messages. First, the play written way back in 1882 was a criticism of democracy itself. And secondly, of course it is story of one man's bravery and self-respect! And that these can survive overwhelming odds. Ibsen's critique of democracy is twofold. He shows the tyranny of the majority.

In our case it’s the tyranny of “intellectually correctness”. Modi-bashing is a virtue it sells in parties, press clubs and newsrooms! But Ibsen has highlighted beautifully how the majority plays “tyrant” after being afraid to do what is right because there is a risk as people may not endorse the right step. In the original play Hovstad wanted to print the doctor Stockmann’s report on the baths and the municipal spa, he was afraid to do so because his subscribers would be upset. In Ganashatru also this element is portrayed well.

The majority is afraid of risk and, according to the doctor in the play and the sickular gang in India, it need not be intelligent enough to do what is right. The right is pampering the ego of a dynasty and a system fed by corruption and nepotism.

Now, let’s get back to Moditva and the real polity around. 

The Modi bashing club and a pretty large one have got a China-send handle to take on their villain of all games since 2002. Some NGOs will also get suddenly active and join the bandwagon. In earlier blogs, I have spoken about Greek philosopher Plato and his thesis about the cycle of Aristocracy, Timocracy, Oligarchy, Democracy and Tyranny. I tried to highlight that ‘Distorted Democracy’ is also mobocracy and we need to gaze in our own hearts on which stage are we in. And more importantly, how long and what course we may take next. Our country has been reduced to a country of quotas, perks and special beneficiaries. As if merits have no place.

Whether the slogan ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas’ is being misconstrued deliberately?

A debate was let loose that the Modi government wants to do away with reservation for SC-STs and OBCs. It also aimed to derail the government from working on development agenda and a government of all. Those select groups who have exploited Muslims, OBCs and SC-STs over the years – in the pretext and lip service of their cause – are disturbed today because the Modi government is  trying to bring in qualitative changes in the common people’s life. Then these ‘select few’ would have their self-seeking shops closed!

Ram Vilas Paswan, a Dalit by himself, says if the size of the cake – that is the development is enhanced – social conflicts will be less.     

Is the focus wrong?

Coming back to NSG, we ought to admit that Seoul would seek to put a brake and undo the good works done so far especially in the context of  Washington’s nod to PM Narendra Modi and his vision for a robust Indo-US ties. 

The other say, I attended a discussion on India-Singapore relationship and former foreign secretary Shyam Saran did articulate certain issues quite eloquently.

"The balance of power is vital for this region... Traditionally China has been at the top, but today if it continues to maintain the unilateral assertion of power then there are problems," Saran said during a discussion on a new book "Looking Ahead: India and Singapore in the new millennium - Celebrating Years of Diplomatic Relations".

There is a sense of déjà vu in enhanced interactions being undertaken between the Hindu chauvinist BJP and China’s political outfit, Communist Party of China (CPC). Will the mechanism work?

Many Indians, political parties and the governments have, for several decades, been obsessed about China. The 1962 episode leaves a scar mark.

Thus in order to improve relations between two countries, certainly the first thing to handle is the crucial element of mistrust. This mistrust is mutual.

The latest Chinese games in Seoul only proves that. 

The Modi government in the ultimate may do well to realise that the real foreign policy challenge (to India) comes not from Pakistan but from China. 

India and China have been uneasy neighbours for longer years than India and Pakistan. 

China unlike Pakistan is a big and successful country and it needs

much deeper engagement.

This is the also the time Narendra Modi should stick to his characteristic 'fight back' zeal as he did all along since 2002.

Time to say, Jai Hind.

Office of Profit - Can people's perception about Kejriwal, AAP change forever ?

If Narendra Modi has been more of a globe trotter and at best only “a poll-bound leader”, Arvind Kejriwal is at best a Twitter-bound leader. On the social networking sites, he has been taking names and most regularly trying to take on Indian Prime Minister. He behaves as the principal challenger to Modi with or without merits. A section of media as also net-savvy Indians seem to cherish his vitriolic against Narendra Modi - as they perhaps draw sadistic pleasure at his undiluted Modi bashing.

But as Delhi is a mere Union Territory, there are mandatory provisions that Delhi's Chief Minister has limited powers. Laws passed by his cabinet and the Delhi assembly ought to be endorsed by the central government and has a Presidential assent. So when the Kejriwal government moved the amendment bill to exclude his army of 21 Parliamentary Secretaries from the provisions of Office of Profit laws or precedents, the AAP government indeed wanted "retrospective" exemption for the parliamentary secretaries from disqualification provisions.

But on June 13, 2016, the President Pranab Mukherjee declined to give his assent to the relevant papers submitted to him through the office of the Delhi Lt. Governor Najeeb Jung and the central government. The President's decision has sparked off row raising questions over the fate of 21 AAP MLAs - on whether they should be disqualified. Earlier, petitions were filed with the President seeking disqualification of the MLAs on the ground that they "occupied office of profit" in violation of the Constitution.

In the past, Sonia Gandhi, a member of Lok Sabha, had to resign her seat in 2006 over the controversy pertaining to the chairperson of National Advisory Council (NAC). Samajwadi Party MP in Rajya Sabha and actress Jaya Bachachan also lost her seat for holding the post of chairperson of the Uttar Pradesh Film Development Federation.

So the chorus is obvious - both the Congress and the BJP now want his legislators disqualified. "This is an open and shut case," stated BJP MP Meenakshi Lekhi while Congress leader Ajay Maken thinks disqualification is imminent and he is already urging Congressmen and women for a major by-elections to these 21 assembly seats.

Meenakshi Lekhi

                               

"Abhi unko kotwal saabh ka danda yaad aa raha hae (Now they are getting scared of the long hand of the law). They (AAP government) have been caught on the wrong foot", she said adding, "the disrespect they have shown to the constitutional authorities and institutions" are good enough to take care of the wrongdoers.

Ironically, many say, the trouble that has hit the Kejriwal government is their own making.

“It is like the end of the road of tricks and game of baseless allegations, pursued by the party,” says a Congress leader. There are already reports of dissension among the rank and file and even among the 21 AAP legislators – some say Kejriwal could have had less of the problems had he not taken a cantankerous approach towards everyone around him. He truly behaves likes an "anarchist Chief Minister". 

“Kejriwal presumed, he could do no wrong or others are too novice to catch his trick. In the process, he fought almost on daily basis with the Delhi Lt Governor Jung and Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” commented former AAP leader. 

It is a season when Arvind Kejriwal is making news, but he is doing so for all wrong reasons

-      It is the season of troubles for Arvind Kejriwal, onetime anti-corruption activist and his Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) government in Delhi. On June 20, Delhi Anti Corruption Branch (ACB) filed a FIR against him and former Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit in a water tanker scam.

Kejriwal’s Transport Minister Gopal Rai also has meanwhile landed into trouble over a bus scheme.  But what would seriously impact the image of the party and its leadership is the controversy pertaining to the appointment of Parliamentary Secretary. In simple words; the Kejriwal government went ahead with the appointment without adequate powers in hands. 

But power-smitten leader that he is, Kejriwal is unwilling to learn lessons though he has grown defensive in last few days. He virtually ran away from a press conference - albeit in a display of arrogance and was discourteous - and in another media briefing simply smiled at uncomfortable questions. 

The BJP appears is working with a plan and has in last one week cornered him from various fronts. 

Even those who sympathise with Kejriwal and his government say the “Office of Profit” episode has “beaten” the AAP credibility. Worse it has been hit not politically but “by the long hand of the law”. 

Hence, it is a shocking commentary of a political party that was born on anti-corruption platform and following the noble steps of Gandhian simplicity as pronounced by Anna Hazare. It has also come to light that the Kejriwal government acted in the manner of the appointment of 21 Parliamentary Secretary despite formal cautioning by two senior officials not to do so. The Principal Secretary Law in Delhi government had advised Kejriwal that the route of appointment of Parliamentary Secretary if not sanctioned by new law and approval of the President was not sustainable.

Still, he did not listen!

Working to a plan!

Udta Punjab!!....to fly::::Film Maestro Gulzar's "Maachis" influenced Punjab politics in 1990s

The tables seem to have turned this time against the Akali leadership as they have been in power for the last 10 years, during which the drug menace spread its tentacles in Punjab. Worse for the Akali leadership and especially for the Badal family, those close to the family have been also at the receiving end of allegations for involvement in the drug business in the state. In 2014, the then Punjab Revenue Minister Bikram Singh Majithia, brother-in-law of Deputy Chief Minister Sukhbir Singh Badal, was accused of involvement in the multi-crore drug trafficking racket by an arrested cop Jagdish Singh Bhola.

In fact, officials in the intelligence agencies and the Union Home Ministry admit that in Punjab, drug abuse is not just a social menace but has emerged as a major money spinner during the last few years. The political row over the film 'Udta Punjab' is no surprise as the political class has been well aware of the issue.

Scene from "Maachis"

                                               

Gulzar's 'Maachis' did sway voters in 1990s and the Akalis had benefited against the Congress.

One is, therefore, not sure how much 'Udta Punjab' will decide the political course in Punjab in next year's elections; but film 'Maachis' released in 1996 did spark off political debate on police excesses and circumstances surrounding the rise of Sikh militancy in Punjab. 

Picking up as many as 75 seats in the 117-member state assembly, Shiromani Akali Dal of Parkash Singh Badal had stormed to power in the state ousting the Congress in the 1997 assembly elections. The film 'Maachis' actually portrayed a story in which an innocent village boy next-door is transformed into a terrorist after police ill treats his friend for no reason and frames the innocent youth in the name of police investigation and interrogation.

With stars like Om Puri, Tabu and Chandrachur Singh, among others, the film 'Maachis' earned critical appreciation and also commercial success. 

Penned by Gulzar the script of 'Maachis' made a powerful commentary on the country's politics and even militancy.

At one point Om Puri, a senior terrorist, virtually stuns a junior (Chandrachur Singh) and quizzes him: "kaun si movement (which movement you are talking about)"?

Om Puri then adds: "mujhe apna hak chahiye...woh bhi zinda rahate hue (I am here to fight for my own rights, what has been deprived to me. And I want all these in this life itself)".

AAP wants to benefit this time

The political row over the film 'Udta Punjab' is no surprise as the political class has been well aware of the issue.

In fact, in March this year, seeking to take the battle to the Akali-BJP combine in Punjab, Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi had said, "Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Akali Dal should have listened when people were complaining about drug problem in Punjab, but they always ignored it, saying that there is no such problem."

"Punjab has a crippling drug problem. Censoring #UdtaPunjab will not fix it. The government must accept the reality and find solutions," Rahul Gandhi said in a tweet this week after the controversy broke.

Even Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leaders like Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley have more than once admitted that the drug menace is a reality in Punjab. 

The Arvind Kejriwal-led Aam Admi Party (AAP), which is keen to give a tough fight in Punjab polls, has also blasted the Akali-BJP government on drug smuggling.  Kejriwal launched a scathing attack on the Punjab Congress and Akali Dal alleging that both the parties have "ruined" every household there through "corruption" and "drugs".

"Udta Punjab"

                                                                   
The political row over the film 'Udta Punjab' is no surprise as the political class has been well aware of the issue.

In fact, in March this year, seeking to take the battle to the Akali-BJP combine in Punjab, Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi had said, "Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Akali Dal should have listened when people were complaining about drug problem in Punjab, but they always ignored it, saying that there is no such problem."

"Punjab has a crippling drug problem. Censoring #UdtaPunjab will not fix it. The government must accept the reality and find solutions," Rahul Gandhi said in a tweet. 

According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) report, in 2014; 556 kg of opium and 636 kg of heroin were recovered in Punjab. 

But Akali leadership has a point when they say even other states in the country are infamous for drug menace and business.

Drug business has assumed ominous spectre over the decades even in states like Jammu and Kashmir, Rajasthan, Karnataka, Manipur and Assam.

(ends) 

Maestro Gulzar

                                                     

Politics is all about irony, risk and performance: Narendra Modi and N Chandrababu Naidu - A study

How does one look at the politics of N. Chandrababu Naidu largely depends on how one should look at it. Naidu was country's original "pro-development" Chief Minister and the tag "CEO" was put to him in 1990s when politics was still about right mix of caste and community! Narendra Modi snatched the tag and used it to his advantage by declaring him as a "catalyst" of change and a neo-economic reformer. Politics is certainly all about timing ! In 2002 Naidu could attack Modi liberally and demand his resignation for allegedly mishandling post-Godhra mayhem; in 2014 and beyond Naidu today needs PM Modi's help to salvage Andhra administration and economy.

Chandrababu: A product of NTR legacy

Politics is also all about irony. In 2016 - Modi may be country's most popular leader and a "challenge" for a decimated Congress; but it is also true that Narendra Modi’s stock has fallen considerably at home. "Some of this was inevitable. He (Modi) invited unreasonably high expectations upon himself with a carefully calculated presidential-style campaign, especially since he then became the first prime minister to enjoy a clear majority in the Lok Sabha," aptly analyzes popular website Foreign Policy.com.
Perhaps to many Naidu also resembles such dilemma. In his first stint as Chief Minister of united Andhra, Chandrababu believed a CEO can bring in miracles. He shaped the IT framework for Hyderabad - the city is not in his control anymore.
That certainly leaves Naidu pensive!

Blogger with TDP's Muslim cadre!

“I am a Chief Minister without a state capital,” he laments repeatedly and protests the manner Congress-led UPA handed over Andhra Pradesh as a bifurcated state to its people.

He knows the truth is bitter. And that is BJP too supported creation of Telangana and all that happened in hurry without proper planning. “My appeal is to entire country,” he says forcefully.

If the state of Andhra Pradesh is to recover fully and jump back to its normal course, the state needs to forget the past tragedies and blunders of bifurcation it underwent when Telangana state was born.  Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu is attempting to reverse what has gone wrong. But he also must try to understand how he can achieve new gains.

Despite TDP presence in the Modi cabinet and BJP presence in Naidu’s ministry, frictions are already visible. A large number of workers at the venue of three-day long Mahanadu (TDP convention) at Tirupati from May 27, 2016 mounted pressure on Chandrababu Naidu) either to "extract" special status from the central government or even take harsh decision of quitting the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA).

E. Sujata, a district president of TDP Vishakhapatnam unit says, "It is high time we get the Special Status as was promised during the division of the state. We are with the TDP supremo and supported his decision to join NDA in 2014, but now it is high time, the BJP-led Narendra Modi government should deliver".

TDP leader: E Sujatha

The party leaders including MPs from both houses of parliament at the party convention deliberated upon various issues concerning granting of Special Category status. "If special status is not given, an impression has been created that the assistance provided by the central government will further decline. This is not in commensurate with the provisions of the Andhra Pradesh Reorganisation Act, commitments made in the Parliament, and the development assistance required by the state," one state minister told this magazine in Tirupati.

But on the other hand both local BJP and RSS leaders deny that the centre is not disbursing adequate funds. "Even if funds are released, the chief minister plays politics. He has rechristened various central schemes by giving them local names and also putting his own names and started renaming several schemes as Chandra-anna schemes," says RSS Tirupati president N.V. Srenivas. BJP also denies the charge of neglecting Andhra's welfare. "The chief minister Naidu is often not practical in drawing schemes. For new capital complex at Amravati, he planned an Rs 52,000 crore new capital Amravati. This plan should have been more realistic," says a local BJP leader.

In fact, by May 25-26, Andhra unit of BJP celebrated two years of Modi government throwing figures about funds disbursed from centre for Andhra Pradesh.  "Even for bridging revenue deficit, the centre has released Rs 2304 crore in 2014-15 and later Rs 500 crore," said a BJP document released on the occasion.

Politics and God go together often!

All these lead us to understand quite fast that -- the relations between TDP and BJP are not very cordial and the divorce is only a matter of time.

Secondly, N Chandrababu Naidu - though an ambitious man, knows his limitations as nothing significant happening at regional front too in national politics. But he has made it clear that he will play a key role in future third front yet again, but a cautious customer he is awaiting his time.

And finally and more importantly, the BJP and the RSS see great opportunity to create a roadmap for growth of the Hindutva politics.

Reasons for such optimism, according to workers both in the RSS and the BJP, are many. "The ideology of the RSS for a strong united India has been accepted by the people in Andhra Pradesh. Youths like the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi," says N. V Sreenivas, RSS president of Tirupati Sangh division.

After conquest of Assam, the Sanghparivar is in more than determined bid to explore the hitherto unexplored frontiers. 

“Things are changing fast. There have been sudden increase in number of mosques and churches all of a sudden in recent months," says a local RSS leader. 

We say, baby steps have been taken and these can be good hints for the temper of a regime to emerge. Politics is a mix of irony and gambles! (ends)