Emergence of Hindu Unity in new laboratory - the state of West Bengal
An argument goes, in contrast to the Congress leaders in the past, Marxist bhadroloks as the chief ministers and perhaps also the mercurial street-fighter from Kalighat, Mamata Banerjee, Suvendu Adhikari as chief minister is expected to provide a New Delhi-driven, pro-majoritarian (read Hindu) style of administration.
"We have been able to overcome bhoy with bhorosha," says CM Adhikari minuted after he was chosen the BJP legislature party leader on May 8th.
The people's decisive mandate in Bengal was a personal triumph for Suvendu and also for PM Narendra Modi. The young voters and an overwhelming section of women who will continue to have a big say in Bengal and national politics between 2006 and 2047. It marks the endorsement of Hindus for the politics of Hindutva --- that was started in Gujarat and today it has captured Bengal.
Modi admirers and those tracking his politics closely say Modi has rather always used the crises (or challenges) to reinforce his political position and offer himself to the people as a "strong Hindu leader" in a country with about one billion Hindus in a population of 1.40 billion (140 crore).
There is somewhat excitement even amongst tribals and Christians in north east.
"Hopefully Suvendu sarkar will control the flooding Bangladeshis into his state, into north east and our states," remarked H. Zhimomi. Even in Bangladesh, the apprehension on 'push back' is on rise. But there is another area too.
The fallout will be especially pronounced in water diplomacy as the long-delayed Teesta water-sharing agreement continues to symbolise the limitations of past negotiations. When India’s then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh travelled to Dhaka in 2011, the agreement was on the verge of conclusion before it was blocked by Mamata Banerjee. With that obstacle now removed, there could be a narrow opening for renewed talks.
Importantly, from the Hindu point of view - the challenge from Mamata and the elections 2026 had a salutary effect in uniting the majority community, cutting across the caste lines. In the past, one can tell from the experience of 2002 that within first three days of post-Godhra riots in Gujarat; the Hindutva leaders had clamed about the unity and the success in integrating the forward and the deprived sections.
Slowly, the Muslims in Bengal too will realise that the so-called Sickular/secular parties henceforth cannot give up the need to appease Hindu sentiments. Mamata did try her luck with Jagannath dham project in Didgha.
In Gujarat in 2002, Congress tried experimenting with a former RSS functionary Shankersinh Vaghela as the chief ministerial face for the first polls after the riots.
It is not without good reason that chief minister Narendra Modi then had taunted Sonia Gandhi saying -- "I thank Jesus Christ that he had given the right sensibility to Soniaben to appoint a former RSS man as the Congress chief in Gujarat".
Either in Bengal of 2026 or Gujarat of 2002; the underlining philosophy to achieve the Hindu unity has been the old VHP line of the 1990s -- "all Hindus should unite against Vidharmis (non-believers)".
Suvendu had sensed the power of Hindutva well as soon as he came to the BJP and gradually he started making aggressive statements vis-a-vis Hindutva.
Suvendu Adhikari often adopted a hardline Hindutva stance, framing his electoral victories as a direct mandate from Hindu voters and emphasizing a, "Jo hamare saath, hum unke saath".
He did not hesitate in declaring on May 4th: "Yeh jeet Hindutva ka Jeet hae".
ends
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