New Delhi
That Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma has plenty of powerful friends in
Nagaland does not make any news. That Himanta plays 'saviours and guides' to
Naga leaders are also nothing new.
Himanta has a knack of hitting headlines. This is also no longer news but lately as a dedicated BJP disciple, he played a major role in adopting a resolution in the Assam assembly against the BBC for the controversial documentary 'Modi Question'.
CM Sarma tweeted: "Let it be made clear in no uncertain terms that in New India there will be a democratic but proportionate response against those who profit by tarnishing Bharat’s image. Freedom of expression is not a license for deception.”
How will his friends in Nagaland react is anybody's guess? A mere documentary on the Indian Prime Minister is hardly a matter of public discussion in the north east including Assam and Nagaland. In this region, the BBC or for that matter various reputed national and western media have been highlighting the issue of human rights violations.
A few years back a paper presented in a seminar in Delhi by a security specialist had maintained that: "Containing and, if possible, eliminating militancy will always remain the best solution to eliminate the root cause for human rights abuses". This brings us to the talking point.
Insurgency is a matter of concern in this region and so is the issue of human rights excesses. The resolution against BBC is seen in many quarters as an effort to muzzle the media. Should Himanta's friends choose to maintain a strategic silence on this key issue?
Indian security forces have been involved in counter insurgency operations in the North East and also Jammu and Kashmir since the 1950s.
Records say the 'first low intensity conflicts' for Indian forces started in 1956
when troops were inducted in Naga hills for the first time.
We do not have any argument here that the BBC is all virtuous. Like most other western media, the BBC too has its faultlines. Not long ago, to many 'low intensity conflicts' elsewhere there have been muted reactions from the western world and media outfits. The UK's track record in Northern Ireland is far from glorious. We also know pretty well that the US has always had an uneven approach which has diminished Washington's image and credibility.
It played double standards in China and gave Beijing the Most Favoured Nation status without considering the human rights abuses issues.
There is adequate research at various levels including by Indian military and strategic experts that goes into reasons, organisations and history of various insurgent outfits that can help find mechanisms to contain armed conflicts
and terrorism. Assam has its share of militancy history and also 'human rights' abuses. So has been the case with Nagaland.
In 1997, Lt Gen S S Grewal, then GoC at Rangapahar, had told me at Kigwema village, that insurgency in the region can be 'eliminated' sooner than later if local support and media oxygen is handled well.
But he also strongly made a cause for dialogues. His diagnosis was on little deeper issues than any military man usually did. "The Army strongly believes that the problems in the north east, be it Nagaland or elsewhere is related to aspirations of the people, land problems, and assertion for more power for ethnic groups. Ideal
thing therefore is negotiation. Efforts must be made to actually find out what is exactly allowing these insurgents to pull along, despite hardships".
The moot point of recalling the statement given a few months before the ceasefire started in August 1997 is that lambasting the messenger as done by Assam assembly vis-a-vis BBC does not serve any purpose.
In Nagaland too, there are many quarters who believe 'silencing' the media is the best option. Such a thought process prevails at multiple levels.
Those in power in Kohima tend to believe that critics are real detractors. The philosophy of opposition-less dispensation is also built up on this theory. The alleged corruption menace maybe is only a by-product.
Nevertheless, on the face of it, let us admit that for a democratic country like ours with a vast geographical, ethnic, cultural and economic diversity, it may not be possible to entirely eliminate militancy. The same argument should stand also for 'different opinions' on various issues.
Of course, castigating BBC documentary makes political sense for BJP at the national level as well as for Himanta
Biswa Sarma in Assam. That may be one way of looking at things. But closer home in Nagaland, human rights abuses
will be around and the common people will continue to need the support of media -- western as well as desi and
local.
Human rights violation in the context of low intensity conflict at both the levels -- the security forces and also militant
groups in various states -- is a highly complex and sensitive issue having moral, legal and socio-political implications.
Let us see, therefore, how many Naga friends and 'benefactors' of Himanta Sarma's benevolence will agree or disagree with
him on the BBC documentary episode.
ends
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