New Delhi/Kolkata: Is this a new era of caste-based politics in West Bengal ?
Onetime Marxists' 'red forte' was known for all kinds of politics and political warfare including organised violence but caste was kept at bay. It was not without good reason illustrious Jyoti Basu had once said the eastern Indian state has only two castes - rich and poor.
But in the run to the fiercest polls of 2021, we are witness to caste-based politics. Is this a glimpse of poriborton or 'asholporiborton' (genuine change) on cards ?
But some of these caste equations in Bengal politics came during Trinamool era. The Mamata Banerjee-regime witnessed murder of over 130 BJP workers killed in 'political clashes'and orchestrated violence by hanging. BJP leaders say more than 90 belonged to the SC community and a few in Purulia region to ST.
Moreover, the Mamata regime pushed Muslim appeasement by announcing allowance for Imams of the mosques and Hindu groups were left neglected. Later, she came forward with similar allowances for Hindu priests -meaning Brahmins and BJP veteran Tatagatha Roy (a former Governor), says this made little political or practical sense and was nothing more than mere 'balancing gestures'.
Trinamool supremo and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has been now accused by BJP president J P Nadda of keeping 'Hindu OBC castes' such as Mahishya or Tili out of the reserved category because of her "politics of appeasement" towards Muslims. On her part, Mamata's election manifesto for this year's polls says - OBC status could be given to Maishyas.
"Her caste games have come at a time when a large section of Hindu OBCs, in north Bengal, 24 Parganas and the Jungalmahal region have backed the BJP in 2019 Lok Sabha polls," says Abhay Talukdar, a teacher in Burdwan.
Likes of Talukdar point out that after BJP's success in picking up 18 Lok Sabha seats chiefly from amongst ST, SC andOBC vote bank strongholds, a rattled Mamata Banerjee for the first time in July 2019 held a meeting with her 80SC and ST MLAs. Later, she removed Rajib Banerjee (a Brahmin), who was in charge of the Backward Classes Welfare Department and the SC, ST and Tribal Affairs Department.Incidentally, Banerjee was so aggrieved with Mamata's politics that he has quit her party and is now BJP candidate from Domjur. Mamata started wooing Rajbonshis and other smaller groups.
The Matua community helped BJP in a big way in 2019 Lok Sabha polls.Moreover, the Rajbanshis are important among Scheduled Castes group with 18 per cent of the total SC population.The Bagdis make about 15 percent and the Namasudras 17.5 percent.
Importance of Mahishyas:
Mahishyas are an influential caste group dominant in Purba Medinipur district and can influence poll outcome in key politically sensitive districts of Howrah, Hooghly, South and North 24 Parganas. They are notofficially counted in post-Independent census but their numbers are huge.Therefore, eyeing this section of voters – due to their dominant presence in at least 45-50 seats – it makes sense forboth the Trinamool Congress and the BJP to try to reach out to them.
Which way would the Maishya voters' mood finally swing is a question that rests in the womb of time!
Though some comparisons are on unfounded grounding, Maishyas too have 'elites'and are akin to Patidars in Gujarat or even ‘well to do and yet struggling’ communities like Gujjars in Rajasthan.
But it is well known that the Maishyas community is proud of historical figures like Rani Rashmoni, who established the famous Dakshineswar temple in Kolkata.
Besides Rashmoni, there were other eminent members like freedom fighters Birendra Nath Sasmal and Sushil Dhara.
Sasmal (26 October 1881 - 24 November 1934) was a lawyer and became known as 'Deshpran' because of his commitmentto the Swadeshi movement.
He was jailed by British Raj for calling a general strike during the visit of King George V to British India and was put at Presidency Jail.
The vibrant community has certain differences among themselves too. Some are part of the ‘’influential elite’ and they regard themselves as 'ruling class' - a type of Zamindars; while others want reservation saying a large number of them are from peasantry class and whose youngsters have a large army of jobless members.
BJP president J P Nadda first flagged off the issue addressing a rally at Kotulpur in Bankura district saying his party will work for the community if voted to power.
This community along with other groups like Tilis or Tamlus want reservation.
However, Mamata Banerjee too wasted no time and her party has pledged in the Election Manifesto.
Mamata is nervous. Thus, her decision to mention about Maishyas is a politically wise decision but she hadpolitical compulsion.Now it is for the voters to decide whom they should actually vote for.
BJP's co-in charge in Bengal and national IT cell chief Amit Malviya tweeted: "With the tribal vote having already shifted by and large to the BJP, the Dalit vote is moving to the BJP in bulk from the TMC. Reflects the changing electoral dynamics in West Bengal...".
Bengal watchers recall that 'caste idiom' in Bengal politics is also well understood by Mukul Roy, party'snational vice president, whose joining the BJP in 2017 had changed the power politics in the state in more waysthan one.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi's election campaign in 2019 was started at Krishnanagar asking why “Matuas are not treated as Indians”.
The gamble paid dividends. Now, of course Mukul Roy is BJP candidate from Krishnanaar North andsoon after allotted the party ticket, former Railway Minister said he is 100 percent confident of victory.
Mukul Roy under Mamata as Trinamool poll strategist had ensured deeper penetration in segments likealpaiguri, Cooch Behar, North Dinajpur and South Dinajpur and is said to have ended the monopoly of Rajbanshis. Caste, as they say, is an old game - sometime like volcano waiting to explode.
ends
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