BJP’s ‘glorious journey’ has space for only a dozen minority candidates

New Delhi, Apr 28 The more things change, the more they look the same.

In terms of BJP’s relations with religious groups, the Christians and the Muslims have always held the saffron party in suspicion.
Many would not even hesitate to join the campaign that India's ‘secular character’ is at stake under the BJP-led dispensation.
Even as Muslims are 'presumed' to have voted in favour of BJP nominees in 2014 Lok Sabha polls in Uttar Pradesh and also during the state assembly elections in 2017 and Christians inched closer to the saffron party in north east, there were doubts nevertheless that if ‘communal forces’ are not halted, the largest democracy in the world could fall prey to ‘destruction’ of old social structures.
However, according to BJP sources in the run up to the polls of 2019 and the 'exultant journey' in making of a 'New India', the saffron party strategists fielded candidates from both the minority communities. 

The claim is true but the BJP minority candidates would be around a dozen only. 

In fact, there were also two Sikh prominent BJP nominees – Hardeep Singh Puri from Amritsar in Punjab and S S Ahluwalia from Bardhaman-Durgapur parliamentary constituency in West Bengal.
BJP fielded three Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir: M M War nominated to contest the 2019 Lok Sabha elections from Baramulla, Khalid Jahangir from Srinagar and Sofi Youssaf from Anantnag in Jammua and Kashmir.
In West Bengal, the Lotus party rested faith in a Muslim woman, Mahfuza Khatun, who was given ticket in Jangipur constituency where her rivals included two other Muslims and Congress candidate Abhijit Mukherjee,  son of former President Pranab Mukherjee. 

In Jangipur, Khalilur Rehman is the Trinamool nominee and the CPI(M) has fielded Zulfikar Ali.
It is worth mentioning that the former President Mr Mukherjee represented Jangipur from 2004 to 2012 – a full one and a half term. 

For BJP, another Muslim candidate in West Bengal has been Humayun Kabir from Murshidabad.
In Kerala, party's new found Christian face and Union Minister K J Alphons has been fielded from Ernakulum - where he will sweat it out against P. Rajeev of the CPI-M and Hibi Eden of the Congress.

BJP has backed the candidature of Kerala Congress (Mani) nominee P C Thomas from Kottayam.

The saffron party's Christian candidates in Meghalaya are Rikman G Momin as its candidate for Tura parliamentary constituency and three-time MLA Sanbor Shullai as another nominee for the Shillong seat.

In Manipur, H Shokhopao Mate Benjamin is a tribal Christian nominee from Inner Manipur.

In Mizoram, BJP nominee has been Nirupam Chakma - a Buddhist but the fight is considered only as part of tokenism. The state's ruling MNF is a constituent of BJP-led NEDA in the north east.

In Nagaland, no BJP candidate in the Lok Sabha polls this time as the party backed NDPP nominee – Thokheho Yepthomi, also a Christian.

Abdul Khader is the BJP candidate from Lakshadweep (ST) Parliamentary constituency.

Interestingly,  with the BJP decision to field Union Minister of State Hardeep Singh Puri as its candidate from Amritsar, the constituency is set for a ‘rare’ contest between Sikhs.


The Congress has already announced the candidature of sitting MP Gurjit Singh Aujla. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has fielded Kuldeep Singh Dhaliwal from a constituency which has 65 per cent Sikh voters.

In Karnataka, BJP leader  K S Eshwarappa, a former deputy chief minister, recently courted controversy when he reportedly told media that his party ‘intentionally’ avoided having Christians as BJP candidates.

“The Christians, like the Muslims, were not given party tickets in our state because Christians are not honest,” he said reportedly. 


Predictably, Christians have reacted to the statement also. Archbishop Peter Machado in Bengaluru said the BJP leader’s statement “has done great harm to Christians and discredited their community’s credibility”.

He also demanded that Mr Eshwarappa should “withdraw” his statement and tender an unconditional apology.

Giriraj faces stiff fight, hopeful of 'mistakes' by Kanhaiya Kumar camp

Begusarai (Bihar), Apr 26 Just step out of Begusarai railway station, one is greeted with CPI posters in favour of new found 'chhatra neta (student leader)' Kanhaiya Kumar.

A former JNU students union president, Kanhaiya is facing a sedition charge. The posters and the CPI supporters in tea stalls and around say the youthful leader is 'paying' the price for standing up for truth.
But they too go 'defensive' when quizzed about 'Tukde Tukde campaign'. The campaign about nationalism and 'action against Pakistan' is quite visible in this township - once an industrial hub and also a 'communists' pocket'.

"Some of the slogans in JNU agitation were wrong and abused. But the ideological battle against BJP's education policy and dictatorial approach is must," said Bappa Dass, a local CPI worker.
The CPI workers also make it a point to tell voters in the constituency that they should not waste the vote on RJD nominee Tanveer Hassan.
In fact, CPI's decision to field Kanhaiya Kumar from the seat came as a big setback to the Gathbandhan - 'anti-Nitish anti-Modi' alliance politics in Bihar.

Now, both CPI and RJD are campaigning aggressively against each other and many fear this may lead to consolidation of Bhumihar caste and other Hindu votes in favour of the BJP candidate Giriraj Singh.

According to local observers - the retired teachers and local newspaper columnists - "Onetime 'red forte' Begusarai is actually an epitome of caste politics these days".

"Thanks to Lalu Prasad's hyped emphasis on caste, Begusarai lost its trade unionism and leftists inclination," says Farooq Naushadbhai, a Madrasa instructor.

But he hastened to add that though BJP won the seat in 2014 when Late Bhola Singh defeated RJD's Tanveer Hassan, the battle is definitely tougher for the saffron nominee and firebrand minister Giriraj Singh.
Bhola Singh's victory margin was 58,000 and CPI's Rajendra Prasad Singh had polled 1,92,630 votes as against 4,28227 by the BJP and 369,892 by RJD candidate.

In some segments, however, the Left influence is still visible. In fact, old timers would tell that Teghra for long was a CPI citadel and used to be also addressed as 'Mini Moscow'.
Since 1962 to 2010, Teghra has voted for CPI nominees only.
"Hence to say, the Left influence does not matter, is not correct," says shopkeeper Asit Bhattacharjee, a Bengali and a known Left sympathiser in the locality.

But according to Bhattacharjee, it is also a fact that the Left influence has been on decline consistently.
"The first casualty to the Left and trade union politics came when the local industries suffered in this region. A big portion of our constituency after delimitation in 1970s went to Baliya. Lalu Prasad's emergence brought in different politics in 1990s. The powerful estimated 5-6 lakh voters out of over 17 lakh total electorate are Bhumihars and their politics since 1990s got focused with opposing Lalu Prasad's machinations," says Bhattacharjee.

The Bhumihar community which once stood by the Left slowly drifted to 'religion and caste based politics'.
This, he said certainly helped expansion of BJP base slowly.
But the contest this time is far from over and the CPI nominee has an edge, he maintains.
However, not many would agree to the observations of Left sympathiser.
The BJP supporters and RSS workers in the constituency say when Kanhaiya Kumar's name was announced, there was speculation about division in Bhumihar vote share and that was a matter of worry.
"But Kanhaiya's poll management has got little misguided and it is helping the BJP. With celebrities like Javed Akhtar being brought in to campaign. The election has been made largely a pro-Modi and anti-Modi in character. This favours Giriraj Singh, who was initially reluctant to contest from Begusarai, but is now in much enthusiastic mood," says Prasenjit Ranjan, a medical student.
Prasenjit and two of his cousins had attended RSS shakhas even a decade back.
Election to this constituency will take place on April 29.
In last one week, leaders like Yogendra Yadav, a known psephologist and leader of fledgling outfit Swaraj India visited the constituency and addressed a gathering.
"Soon after the Balakot strikes, I had supported it and said that any self-respecting nation would like to come up with a good response. But the BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi tried to use it politically. It is a dangerous thing to do. The people of the country should understand that whenever there have been attempts to use armed forces for political purposes, you may end up getting a military rule," Mr Yadav has said - according to local media reports.

Can ‘Cheap Publicity’ by Trinamool on Pranab-RSS nexus derail ‘son’ Abhijit?

BJP Muslim candidate: Jangipur

Jangipur  (West Bengal), Apr 22 All eyes are on the third phase of parliamentary elections in West Bengal as polling will be held in five key constituencies of Jangipur, Balurghat, Murshidabad, Maldaha Uttar and Maldaha Dakshin on Tuesday.


In Jangipur, the competition is getting tougher by the hour as Congress nominee and sitting MP Abhijiit Mukherjee is facing more aggressive and personal attack from the Trinamool Congress.
In the run up to the polls, none other than Trinamool supremo Mamata Banerjee has slammed Abhijit Mukherjee more than once for his ‘failure’ as the lawmaker during his stint as an elected member since 2012.





It was in 2012 by-election first, Mr Abhijit won on the Congress ticket after his father and the former President Pranab Mukherjee had vacated his seat.



Even as Mr Abhijit won the seat in 2016 state assembly polls again, the victory margin came down to  a modest 2500.



According to sources in the BJP and the Congress, the Mamata Banerjee-led outfit is indulging in ‘covert campaign’ trying to give out a repeated message that the RSS workers are working overtime to ensure victory of Mr Mukherjee.

“There is a cheap campaign by Trinamool on Abhijit Mukherjee being helped by RSS workers,” a local Congress worker said here adding “Mamata Banerjee and others are dragging the good office of former President Pranab Mukherjee into the electoral fray and trying to give a message that a large number of RSS workers are backing Abhijit”. 

This is “far from truth” – says BJP source. But some workers in the Congress admit at best it could be ‘half truth’ as somehow the BJP leaders are not targeting Abhijit Mukherjee personally.
“The reasons can be anything, but certainly not RSS-Pranab babu nexus. It is very low level campaign,” the Congress worker said. 
Sources said Trinamool leaders are regularly giving an impression that Pranab Mukherjee has tried to ‘cultivate’ the RSS by his attending a special RSS session in Nagpur last year.


“This is only an electoral strategy. Desperate Mamata Banerjee is trying to deprive Abhijit Mukherjee the minority votes. But it is sad that a leader of such a stature is doing so for a senior colleague and former President Pranabda,” says another local Congress leader Nimai Purkayastha in Umarpur – that falls under Jangipur.



In Umarpur, a BJP worker also agreed to the point that the Trinamool Congress is trying to win over minority votes in this constituency by such campaigns.




“Notably, 50 per cent of voters in Jangipur make a particular religious group. Hence, while all eyes are on the star candidate and sitting Congress MP Abhijit Mukherjee, rest all three main parties – the Trinamool Congress, BJP and the CPI-M have fielded minority candidates," he says.



Certainly, this is not without good reasons. Mamata Banerjee’s candidate is Khalilur Rehman 




The BJP has fielded Mafooza Khatun – who has pledged to work for the welfare of the local Bidi workers. 




Mohammad Julfikar Ali of CPI-M talks about erosion in river Ganga and how it has hit the people in the region. He says both the Congress and Trinamool Congress have failed with their opportunistic approaches.




But at times – the CPI-M leaders are faced with the ‘embarrassment’ and have to go defensive as the party leadership had undertaken seat adjustments with the Congress in 2016 assembly elections. 

“Our experience is that the Congress benefited by such an alliance. They got our votes, but the Congress vote never got transferred, and we suffered,” says CPI-M worker Jishu Ghosh.

Will he ‘reinvent’ himself, or Rajnath Singh will be another fading star?

Will he ‘reinvent’ himself, or Rajnath Singh will be another fading star?

By Nirendra Dev


New Delhi, Apr 15 (UNI) From a key player in 2019 polls to the obvious fading star, Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh is all rolled into one.


This uniqueness may not be his USP, but such an image also helps. He has always charmed political observers, friends and foes by a distinguishable low profile that does not threaten competitors.

In December 2005, when he was first made BJP president, the talk of the town was he would easily play second fiddle to the likes of Pramod Mahajan.


Now seeking re-election from Lucknow, none among his voters is perhaps sure that Rajnath Singh would continue as country’s Home Minister or he would also be gradually pushed into oblivion.

Mr Singh, 67 is already a member of Marg Darshak Mandal wherein two veterans L K Advani and M M Joshi have been already put into forced retirement from electoral politics.


Is Singh the next? In the new Lok Sabha, will he be the new chairman of Estimates Committee as was Mr Joshi or chairman of Ethics Committee like Mr Advani – which hardly held any sittings?


Even the Narada video bribe tape involving Trinamool Congress leaders hardly came up before the panel headed by Mr Advani.


After he took over as the BJP national president succeeding Rajnath Singh, on August 26, 2014 Amit Shah announced the constitution of a five-member body Marg Darshak Mandal comprising Atal Bihari Vajpayee, L K Advani, M M Joshi and that also includes Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Rajnath Singh.

But politically, Rajnath Singh has always had a mind of his own and in May 2014  – days before BJP stormed to power with record 282 members win, he has told this correspondent that “If there is a Jugal Bandi (friendship) between me and Narendra Modi, it will be for long term”.


Rajnath Singh was made Home Minister and given ‘number two’ berth in cabinet in 2014, but the grapevine is --- his powers were scuttled. The answers for many of questions on this lay in the womb of time.


Mr Singh’s admirers say in the run-up to the 2014 polls – designating Narendra Modi as BJP’s prime ministerial candidate – Rajnath Singh played a ‘passive partner’ readily and in cricketing term it was like ‘Chetan Chauhan role to opening sensation Sunil Gavaskar’. A role that was so vital but that would be hardly celebrated.


The media and often the ivory tower experts never found him a ‘potential PM material’ and the reason for this could be many. One, he is neither articulate with one-liner quotes, nor he has the knack of ‘leaking’ out juicy stories in off the record briefing.


In 2014, thus it was not without good reason a periodical ‘Power Politics’ wrote: “The single most important force that removed the party’s internal obstacles in Narendra Modi’s way to Prime Ministership and brought BJP to the striking distance of national power is none other than Rajnath Singh”.


Only posterity will judge whether such laudatory remarks on a man – who got the ‘second chance’ to be president of BJP perhaps due to an accident as his illustrious predecessor in January 2013 had to quit due to ‘Purti scandal’.

By all arguments, in a knee-jerk but quick decision, Rajnath Singh was a compromise choice after Yashwant Sinha, now a hardcore BJP critic, gave up his idea of filing the nomination papers for election as BJP national president.

Sinha was determined to oppose Nitin Gadkari’s renomination.
Rajnath Singh’s elevation as BJP chief certainly had RSS blessings and also green signals from L K Advani and some ‘ambitious’ leaders Sushma Swaraj and Arun Jaitley too thought Mr Rajnath will be ‘pliable’.


However, after his re-election as party president, Rajnath was more firm about things and risked a lot when he first made Modi the chairman of election campaign committee in Goa in June 2013 and later Modi was also made BJP’s prime ministerial candidate on September 13, 2013.

In the bargain, he provoked patriarch Advani’s anguish and in Bihar, JD(U) walked out of the NDA.

The rest as they say is history.


In his new ‘avtaar’ as party chief, Rajnath Singh displayed purpose in his moves and soon he began his manoeuvres to ‘reinvent’ BJP and make optimum use of the gap created by UPA’s failures.


Uma Bharati was brought back to the BJP and Modi was made a member of the party’s highest policy making body the Parliamentary Board.

He also had assigned Amit Shah the task of Uttar Pradesh where BJP’s vote share had dropped and oragnisational weakness was at its peak.


BJP and NDA returned to power, but Rajnath Singh glories were overshadowed by Modi charishma.


Finally, just days ahead of another round of elections for Mr Singh, political watchers say the story of his political journey, his success has merged with the tales of someone who shines in ‘reflected glory’. 

Leftists run the risk of meeting with electoral ‘red’

New Delhi, Apr 14 (UNI) The 2019 battle cry will definitely put to test the political relevance of Indian communists as they face three formidable challengers in their traditional bastions of West Bengal, Tripura and Kerala.

So much has been their story of 'marginalisation' in West Bengal – that once ‘Lal Durg’ their 'red forte' – is today better known as a state where the fight is essentially drawn between Trinamool Congress and the BJP.

In fact, a few media surveys have already predicted that Left Front’s vote share would nosedive to such a level that out of 42 seats in the state, they may end up losing all.

“They have been wiped out in Tripura, the communists may not win single seat in West Bengal and the remaining prestige will be lost out in Kerala as Rahul Gandhi has taken the flight to Wayanad,” says BJP leader Dilip Ghosh.

In tiny state of Tripura, the Leftists were ‘ousted’ in 2018 and thus by all calculations, the BJP is set to wrest both the parliamentary seats – one of them being ST reserved.


But the ‘shocker’ for communists came in Kerala and that from a 'friend' Congress president Rahul Gandhi – whose decision to contest from Wayanad constituency is seen as the last nail in the coffin for the Left parties.


It is not without good reason that the CPI-M leaders feel ‘ditched’ by sheer display of ‘opportunism’ by the Congress.

"It is none of our business. But some communists think to an extent Sonia Gandhi-Rahul duo has been ungrateful as it were the communists that played the role of an anchor in ensuring a Congress-led UPA dispensation in 2004,” a BJP source said here.

A section of BJP leaders say Mr Gandhi’s move also reflects ‘internal bickering’ in the Congress especially in its Kerala unit and it also talks about the ‘intensity’ of the cold war between Prakash Karat and Sitaram Yechury factions in the CPI-M.

Electorally, best performance by the Left parties came in 2004 when they had 59 members in Lok Sabha and their ‘comrade’ Somnath Chatterjee became Speaker in the House of the people. It was the Left Front that actually helped anchor UPA-I and so much has been the communists’ say in the running of a dispensation run by 'pro-liberalisation economist' Dr Manmohan Singh that an effective Left-UPA Coordination panel was formally set up.

But the heydays were short lived as Prakash Karat – the hardliner CPI(M) general secretary was adamant about the Indo-US Nuke Deal.
In 2008, the anguished Left parties withdrew support to the Manmohan Singh government.
The relationship could not have gone so bad at any worse time. Thanks to Nandigram and Singur, the Left Front government headed by Basudeb Bhattacharya was at all low in popularity graph.
The Congress easily walked into the arms of Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee and thus the communists rule came to an end in their own bastion in 2011.

The bitterness of defeat turned worse as in Kerala too that year, the CPI-M was ‘ousted’.

In Kerala, CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front lost to Congress-led UDF in a neck-and-neck fought assembly elections. In West Bengal, CPI(M) alliance with 62 seats suffered a setback after 34 years of continuous rule, losing to Congress and Trinamool Congress alliance's 226 seats. The then Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee also lost from his Jadavpur assembly constituency.


In retrospective, the Left-Congress confrontation was reflected in 1991 Lok Sabha elections as well. After Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination as Congress benefited by the ‘sympathy wave’,  the CPI-M later said it was the ‘worst victim’ of the sympathy wave as its vote share dropped from 11.24 per cent to 3.66.

The CPI-M even had accused Congress of ‘unleashing naked terror’ to exploit the assassination of narrow electoral gains in Kerala, Tripura, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. CPI-M tally in 1991 was 35.


In 2019 in Wayanad, Mr Gandhi is actually face to face in confrontation with the CPI, which had already announced its candidature before the announcement of Congress president.


In terms of numbers, the CPI’s best show was in 1962 when securing 9.9 percent vote, it had won 29 seats.

But, according to old data, it was the irreplaceable ‘Jyoti Basu charishma’ that had ensured a victory for the CPI-M and its allies in West Bengal in 1991 - “making it the only communist bastion to remain intact”.

So much has been the magic of Jyoti Basu's power and people’s faith in his polity that even after Rajiv’s assassination,  Congress stalwart ABA Ghani Khan Chowdhury from Malda had to contend with ‘reduced margin’ of victory.


For the Left, first signs of debacle in recent past came in 2009 Lok Sabha elections.

The CPI(M) contested 32 seats, CPI - 3 seats, All India Forward Bloc (AIFB) - 3 and RSP 4;  while Trinamool made big gains, the CPI(M) won 9 seats from West Bengal, CPI, AIFB and Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP) two seats each.

From Kerala, the Left Democratic Front (LDF) strength was four.
In 2014, the CPI-M strength was nine and one RSP.
As one sits back and looks at the manner the BJP has grown phenomenally in erstwhile Left bastion West Bengal, it ought to be understood that the pro-saffron party undercurrent was certainly in action in the districts of Nadia, Murshidabad and West Dinajour way back in 1991.

This was largely due to the wooing of ‘Hindu refugees’ during partition and perhaps also in 1971. The saffron party’s vote share had shot up from near negligible 1.67 per cent to 11.66 per cent that year.

Modi govt successfully changed people's perception about political class: BJP

New Delhi, Apr 13 (UNI) A big difference between the socio-political conditions in the country between 2010-11 under UPA and 2018-19 is that unlike then at present the politicians are 'not mocked at and dismissed' and it has been proved that "politicians can also deliver".
This was stated by BJP leader and MP Vinay Sahasrabuddhe at the release function of new book 'The New Age Karyakarta'.  
"In last five years under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, one big change that has come and can be realised is that the politicians can also deliver. People have started appreciating this," said Mr Sahasrabuddhe, who is also President of Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR).
Sharing anecdotes and stories from folk tales, he said the general 'image' of a politician has been always found wanting.
"There is a story in Maharashtra about a person without brains who is being sent to the earth and he asks what shall he do and then Chitragupta says, make him join politics. He will not need brain there," he remarked.

He said the 'image' of the neta class has undergone a sea change in India since the time of 2010-11 when the Anna Hazare-led movement had taken the country by storm and now as the country is in the midst of an election season."When Anna Hazare and Delhi's incumbent Chief Minister (Arvind Kejriwal) were on the streets leading the anti-corruption movement, the general impression about a politician used to be negative.It was normal to mock at the political class and common people used to enjoy doing the same," he said.However, Mr Sahasrabuddhe said a big change has been brought in that 'image'  about the political class and added, "now people believe that politicians can also deliver"."This changed atmosphere is significant," he said.

LS polls: Members of ‘House of Elders’ have fun, adventures and failures too

New Delhi, Apr 13 The likes of Amit Shah, Smriti Irani, Ravi Shankar Prasad and Digvijay Singh share a common feature in the heat and dust of battle of 2019 as they all are sitting Rajya Sabha members and are seeking elections to the 17th Lok Sabha.
In recent past, eminent members of the House of Elders to make it to Lok Sabha include Sushma Swaraj, Jaswant Singh and Yashwant Sinha in 2009.

In 2014, Congress old warhorse Ghulam Nabi Azad failed to make it to the House of the People from Udhampur parliamentary constituency in Jammu and Kashmir when he lost to BJP leader Jitendra Singh by a margin of 60,976 votes.

BJP stalwart Arun Jaitley also failed in his maiden attempt to make it in 2014 as he was humbled by Capt Amarinder Singh in Amritsar by a margin of 1,12,770 votes.

The senior leaders making to and fro journey between Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha in retrospective effect have galaxy of political stars.

As a matter of fact, India has had illustrious Dr Manmohan Singh making it as country's Prime Minister for 10 years as a member of Upper House from Assam.

Five other Prime Ministers – who were once Rajya Sabha members include the illustrious club of Lal Bahadur Shatri, Indira Gandhi, V P Singh, Chandra Shekhar, H D Deve Gowda, I K Gujral and Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

Like Dr Manmohan Singh, the then Janata Dal leader H D Deve Gowda was also the Leader of the House (Rajya Sabha) during his prime ministership.

In fact, India’s Upper House of Parliament also has the distinction of giving Presidents in future – Zakir Hussain, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, N Sanjeeva Reddy, Zail Singh,  Pranab Mukherjee and Pratibha Patil.

Records show Ms Patil was Rajya Sabha member between 1985 and 1990.  

Even incumbent President Ram Nath Kovind was a member of Rajya Sabha from 1994 to 2006.

Vice-President M Venkaiah Naidu too has been an active member of the Upper House since 1998 to 2016 from Karnataka and later for a year from Rajasthan from July 5, 2016 and August 10, 2017.

In fact, Pranab Mukherjee has the distinction of being Rajya Sabha member for long and it was only at the fag end of his political career, that Pranab Mukherjee chose to contest and win from Jangipur Lok Sabha seat in 2004 and later in 2009.

Mr Mukherjee got his break in politics in 1969 when Prime Minister Indira Gandhi made him a member of the Rajya Sabha and soon he emerged as 'Man for all Seasons' to her.

Mr Mukherjee was very powerful under Prime Ministers P V Narasimha Rao and also under Dr Manmohan Singh.

Among the old-timers, Vajpayee, Sanjeeva Reddy, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, Indira Gandhi, C N Annadurai and P C Sethi were among those Rajya Sabha members who were elected to the lower House in 1967.

Five years prior to that, in 1962, Y B Chavan, Humayun Kabir and Bejawada Gopal Reddy made it to Lok Sabha as Rajya Sabha MPs.

Among the stars of later period, L K Advani made it to Lok Sabha  as a Rajya Sabha MP alongside compatriots such as Chitta Basu, Sharad Yadav, Ajit Singh and Vijayraje Scindia in 1989.

Chandra Shekhar was among the 11 Rajya Sabha members to be elected to the lower House in 1977. His compatriots too were stars in their own rights – Raj Narain and K Brahmananda Rao.

In fact, Raj Narain defeated Indira Gandhi from Rae Bareli in 1977 by a margin of 55,202 votes.

The 1989 elections - post Bofors controversy - saw 12 Rajya Sabha MPs win general elections to Lok Sabha.

In both 1957 and 1962 elections, 15 Rajya Sabha members joined the Lok Sabha.

Notably, as per the records, former Defence Minister V K Krishna Menon from Kerala were elected to the Lok Sabha in 1957.

According to parliamentary experts, rules are specific that the Rajya Sabha members, who are elected to Lok Sabha have no option but to quit the upper House.

The rules, however, say those elected from more than one constituency (to Lok Sabha) can retain a seat of their choice.
In 1991 general elections, Vajpayee (was Rajya Sabha member)  and could make it to Lok Sabha from Vidisha and Lucknow. Another Rajya Sabha member who could do so in 1991 and enter the 10th Lok Sabha was D K Taradevi of the Congress, who was elected from Chikmagalur in Karnataka.
In 1991 polls, interestingly as Rajya Sabha members G G Swell from Meghalaya (Hill State People’s Democratic Party), Raj Mohan Gandhi (Janata Dal), T R Baalu (DMK) and Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar (BSP) had failed to enter Lok Sabha.

Caste puzzle smudges: All may not be well in ‘Mission 272 Plus’ for BJP

New Delhi, Apr 12  Is sidelining of BJP veterans linked to caste idiom?

It’s yet again ‘Mission 272 Plus’ but all may not look like the ‘wave’ of 2014 and there has been apprehension that things may derail.

In Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the single biggest challenge is caste management. In eastern UP – the seats adjacent to Varanasi from where Prime Minister Narendra Modi is seeking re-election – both the development plank and Hindutva and hardcore neo-nationalism have their limitations.

BJP insiders say in seats like Azamgarh, Domiryaganj, Gorakhpur, Kushi Nagar, Deoria, Bansgaon, Lalganj, Ghazipur and Chandauli, voters’ mood is generally guided by caste factors.

Things seemed to have gone complicated a bit in terms of 'caste management' especially after the sidelining of party veterans such as Kalraj Mishra, Lalji Tandon and M M Joshi.

Has a message gone down that Brahmins are being sidelined by the pro-Hindutva party?

In contrast, sources said there is a growing OBC domination as also the hegemony of the Thakur camp in some areas. Home Minister Rajnath Singh, seeking his re-election from Lucknow, UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and even MoS External Affairs Gen (Retd) V K Singh reflect the dominance of 'Thakurvad'. 

In fact, adding to this facet, Jagdambika Pal - otherwise a turncoat from Congress – has yet again been given the ticket from Domariyaganj.

In UP post-Mandal era 'caste management' by the BJP saw emergence of Kalyan Singh as a key player in the state. Mr Singh, now Rajasthan Governor, belongs to OBC block and so does Uma Bharati, who incidentally also has stayed away from electoral contest this time.

Narendra Modi, Varanasi’s sitting MP in the Lok Sabha, is also an OBC though largely he is seen as the Hindutva leader, a hardcore nationalist and a catalyst of development. Whether Mr Modi’s OBC tag helps him electorally is only a matter of debate.

Sushma Swaraj, who opted out from electoral contest on health ground, is a Brahmin.

Thus, when M M Joshi – directly or indirectly – sounded his displeasure the manner he was denied ticket from Kanpur, the refrain in a certain section was that he was fighting a Brahmin cause.

Arun Jaitley too is a Brahmin, but his time-tested friendship with PM Modi and ‘team-manship’ with Modi-Amit Shah duo makes him ‘indispensable’ to the camp.

Another top Brahmin leader Nitin Gadkari seemed to have survived all that machination is largely due to his proximity to the RSS leadership.

However, it is altogether a different matter that the  Union Surface Transport and Road Minister has always made light of his RSS connections.

In Bihar too, the Brahmin leaders like Ashwini Choubey are restive at times as the party ‘compromised’ a lot in accommodating allies like LJP of Dalit leader Ram Vilas Paswan and Nitish Kumar-led JD(U).

Besides the caste games, comes the ground zero polity.

“Team Modi’s worst fear is that the theory that Congress is in tatters and gave up fight might not work in UP, Maharashtra, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. If Congress improves its tally, we should not be surprised if they do well in these states,” said a party source.

The caste puzzle is actually a pain. A recent survey by a media house revealed that every parliamentary constituency in UP has more than 40 per cent Muslim-Yadav-Dalit population and in at least 47 constituencies, the Muslim-Yadav-Dalit sections of electorate are higher than 50 per cent.

In Prime Minister’s constituency of Varanasi too, the caste matters.

Sources said Varanasi Lok Sabha segment makes an interesting composition of over 3.8 Vaishys (trading community), 2.6 lakh Brahmins and 1.7 lakh Yadavs. The BJP is confident of winning Kurmi support once again, thanks to Apna Dal alliance. Various local leaders have been deployed to win 1.30 lakh Bhumihars.

In Maharajganj – not far from Nepal border – there is story about Muslims having made rags to riches stories and BJP would be keen to retain it yet again and fielded sitting MP Pankaj Chaudhary as its candidate.

In fact, BJP is largely banking on sitting MPs in the region – namely - Kamalesh Paswan from Bansgaon, Harish Dwivedi from Basti, Manoj Sinha from Ghazipur, and Daddan Mishra from Shrawasti constituency.

Madhya Pradesh has maximum six ST reserved seats for LS: Bihar, UP have none

New Delhi, Apr 12 (UNI) The state of Madhya Pradesh in the heart of India has highest number of six tribal reserved seats for Lok Sabha while country's most populous state of Uttar Pradesh has no Scheduled Tribe seat, official data shows.

Out of 29 seats from the state in the Lower House of Parliament, Madhya Pradesh has six ST seats and four reserved seats for Scheduled Castes.

Out of 80 lawmakers sent to Lok Sabha from Uttar Pradesh, there are 17 SC reserved seats while 63 seats fall under general category.

Out of total 543 Lok Sabha members, the ST members make 47 while there are 84 reserved Scheduled Caste seats, official data from the Election Commission said.

Among the 47 ST members in Lok Sabha, one each comes from northeastern states of Manipur and Mizoram.

Like Sikkim; Nagaland's lone Lok Sabha seat falls into general category.

Two seats are reserved for ST nominees in Meghalaya while BJP-ruled Manipur has one open - that is general category state.

Like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar too has no tribal seat reserved while Chattisgarh has four such ST reserved parliamentary segments.

In terms of numbers, there are five ST reserved seats each from Jharkhand and also Naveen  Patnaik-ruled Odisha, the data shows.

Jharkhand has eight general and one SC reserved constituency.

Odisha has 13 general category seats, three SC.

The two western states of Maharashtra and Gujarat too have four ST members each.

West Bengal has two tribal seats reserved while the SC reserved seats from the state are 10.

Tamil Nadu in south too does not have ST reserved seat. It has seven Lok Sabha seats reserved for Scheduled Castes while Rajasthan, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh have four each SC reserved seats.

Andhra Pradesh has one ST seat while Rajasthan has three ST seats but Punjab has no ST seat.

Karnataka and Maharashtra have five seats reserved for SC communities, the data shows.

What's common b/w Modi, Rajiv Gandhi and Paswan? - Victory Margins

Who was Rajiv Gandhi's nearest rival in 1984 Lok Sabha polls after Indira's death ??

New Delhi, Apr 10 (UNI) Narendra Modi may have dislike for the 'dynastic' Nehru-Gandhi family or vice versa; but there is at least one common feature between the incumbent Prime Minister and one of his illustrious predecessors Late Rajiv Gandhi.
Interestingly, both the names figure among the record holders of highest margins of votes in their moment of electoral glories.

File snap: 2013

Rajiv Gandhi attained the highest margin of victory in 1984 when he sailed home from Amethi in the polls held shortly after the assassination of his mother Indira Gandhi.
Late Rajiv Gandhi was already the Prime Minister in office.
Rajiv Gandhi had earlier won from Amethi in 1981 by-election after the death of his brother Sanjay.

Interestingly, Rajiv's nearest rival in 1981 was Sharad Yadav of Lok Dal.

In 1984,  Rajiv Gandhi's election came during the height of bitterness in the family and his nearest rival was sister-in-law Maneka Gandhi.

While Rajiv Gandhi polled 83.67 per cent of votes - 3,65,041, Ms Maneka Gandhi contesting as Independent had polled 50,163 votes making it 11.50 per cent of vote share. 

Interestingly, LJP chief from Ram Vilas Paswan also shares the honour along with Mr Modi and Late Rajiv Gandhi.

For Mr Paswan, the highest victory margin honours came twice -- making a record by itself.


In 1977, Mr Paswan's victory margin from Hajipur was 4,24,545 votes and this shot up to 5,04,448 in 1989 from the same constituency in Bihar.


Mr Paswan had won the polls in 1977 - post Emergency - on Bharatiya Lok Dal ticket while in 1989, his victory came as a Janata Dal nominee riding the perceived pro-V P Singh and anti-Bofors controversy mood in the cow belt.


For Prime Minister Modi, the record victory came from Vadodara in his home state in 2014 when the difference between him and the nearest rival was 5,70,128 votes. In the case of Late Rajiv Gandhi, the victory margin in 1984 was 31,4878.

Mr Modi's victory margin in Varanasi in 2014 polls against Arvind Kejriwal of AAP was 3,71,884 votes.

Among the states interestingly, Gujarat, Rajasthan and Nagaland had the highest victory margins twice each since 1962 and 2014.

In Gujarat, besides Mr Modi, the EC data shows BJP candidate Dr Kathriya Vallabhbhai Ramjibhai attained the success from Rajkot in 1998 and his victory margin was 3,54,187 votes.

In 1962, Gayatri Devi of Swatantra Party won the Jaipur seat by a margin of 1,57,692 votes - highest of the year, data from the Election Commission shows.

In 1967, another Rajasthan leader and in fact an Independent achieved the feat when he won the Bikaner seat by a margin of 1,93,816 votes.

In the case of Nagaland, K Asungba Sangtam of Congress attained the highest victory margins in 1999 polls despite the pro-Kargil conflict mood in the rest of India in favour of BJP and regional forces.

In 2009, Nagaland People's Front nominee C M Chang had the honour of emerging as a winner with highest margins of victory. In this case also, while the rest of India overwhelmingly voted in favour of the Congress, in the wilds of north east, the electorate in Nagaland chose to prefer the candidate of a regional party which has been a constituent of the BJP-led NDA.

In another north eastern state, Tripura - the then Union Minister of State for Home Santosh Mohan Dev attained the record of highest victory margins in 1991 when he won from Tripura West parliamentary constituency.

Perhaps, it could be needless to get into the guessing game - Late Dev's and Congress party's bitter rivals CPI-M then had alleged that the polls in Tripura were 'rigged' with overwhelming presence of central forces.

Santosh Mohan Dev, who otherwise has been a prominent Congress leader from Silchar in neighbouring state of Assam, had managed a victory margin of 4,28,984 votes, the data shows.

However, it goes to the credit of CPI-M that its candidate and senior leader Anil Basu had recorded highest victory margins from the Arambagh parliamentary constituency in West Bengal in 2004.

The victory margin was 5,92,502 votes. This is by far the highest victory margin in Lok Sabha polls from 1962 to 2014.

In 2004, the EC data shows the lowest victory margin was 36 and the winner was BJP candidate Thupstan Chhewang from Ladakh in Jammu and Kashmir.


In terms of records, the lowest victory margin since 1962 has been only 9.


The difference in votes figure was first recorded in 1989 when the victorious candidate was Congress leader Konathala Ramakrishna from Anakapalli constituency in Andhra Pradesh.
The lowest margin of 9 was again repeated in 1998 when BJP candidate Som Marandi managed to emerge winner from Rajmahal Lok Sabha seal in Bihar.

Applying balm: BJP pledges Rs 6,000 annual income support to 'all farmers'

New Delhi, Apr 8 (UNI) Often charged with gross failure to deal with the challenge of farm distress, the ruling BJP on Monday sought to woo farmers and traders and also ensure that there is greater purchasing power for the middle class.   

The party manifesto released by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, pledged to ensure Rs 6,000 yearly income support to "all farmers" and agri loans of up to Rs one lakh at zero per cent interest and pension benefit to small traders after 60 years of age.

"We remain committed to the promise of doubling farmers' incomes by 2022 and more resources will be made available if necessary," said the BJP Sankalp Patra released by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The party also stood by its three core issues saying, "We reiterate our stand on Ram Mandir, we will explore all possibilities within the framework of the Constitution and all necessary efforts to facilitate the expeditious construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya".

"We reiterate our position since the time of Jan Sangh to the abrogation of Article 370 (in Jammu and
Kashmir)," the Sankalp Patra said.

The anguish of traders and farmers and a section of upper caste in middle income group had led to BJP's defeat in three heartland states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh in December.

Giving a clear message to traders  - the BJP manifesto said "to protect the interest of small traders, we will provide an accident insurance of Rs 10 lakh to all the traders registered under GST".

The Manifesto said the saffron party will provide short term new agricultural loans up to Rs 1 lakh at a zero per cent interest rate of one to five years and also that the NDA regime will launch a pension scheme for small and marginal farmers "so as to ensure social security to them on reaching 60 years of age".

"We are committed to making an investment of Rs 25 lakh crore to improve the productivity of the farm sector," the party pledged.
Small traders like the small and marginal farmers will be given pension benefits after 60 years of age.

The BJP Manifesto especially seeking to make an impact among the farmers, traders and middle income groups comes close on the heels of Congress in its revival journey making an effort to win over the poor with its  NYAY - the minimum income scheme.     

In fact, the BJP-led NDA government headed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee government was voted out of power due to undercurrent of unhappiness against the government of the day - despite its towering claim of 'India Shining'.
In 2004 polls, Congress slogan 'Congress Ka Haath, Aam Aadmi ke Saath' proved much useful and Sonia Gandhi-led UPA had stormed to power.

For the middle class, it said the saffron party is committed to further revising the tax slabs and the tax benefits to ensure more cash and greater purchasing power in the hands of middle-income families.

"We will make all efforts to ensure that our aspirational middle class has access to education, employment opportunities and suitable urban infrastructure for a better quality life," it said.

The saffron outfit also explored all options to facilitate the construction of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya.
The manifesto pledged to take the country to new heights ensuring national security and achieving a new milestone globally.

Notwithstanding strong opposition to the Citizenship Amendment Bill in Assam, the BJP said it is firm about its commitment to push for the enactment of the draft bill.
The saffron party in its manifesto released by Prime Minister Narendra Modi also said that if it returns to power, the NDA will implement “the NRC in a phased manner in other parts of the country”.
“We are committed to the enactment of the Citizenship Amendment Bill for the protection of
individuals of religious minority communities from neighbouring countries escaping persecution,” the manifesto said.

However, it said the party will make all efforts to clarify the issues to the sections of population from the Northeastern states who have expressed apprehensions regarding the legislation.

BJP has delivered; and now if voted to power will work to 'eliminate poverty' : Jaitley

New Delhi, Apr 8 (UNI) Finance Minister Arun Jaitley on Monday said the five-year old Modi government has been a "performing" regime and maintained in next five years it will work to restrict poverty to single digit and ultimately will strive to eliminate it.
He said as a "continuing government we will follow the same principle" under which resources will be given to the poor and tax base expanded.
"The essence of our manifesto is to deplete poverty over next five years to single digit and than eventually to eliminate it," Finance Minister said during the release of BJP's “Sankalp Patra” (manifesto) here.
Finance Minister also said that a eight per cent growth rate will be maintained - which will retain our position as world's fastest growing economy.
"This manifesto is one of a government which is going to continue in power. This manifesto in the season of manifestos is not prepared with the 'Tukde Tukde' mindset," Mr Jaitley said.
He said under the plans and vision as envisioned by the BJP-led dispensation, India will continue to be regarded "as a bright spot in the global economy".
"This is our mission as far as next five years is concerned and beyond that is concerned," Mr Jaitley said.
"This is the first five years that India was globally the fastest growing economy in the world," he said adding the fiscal prudence under NDA regime's stewardship too has been best ever since 1947.
"Our inflation has been the lowest compared to double digits inflation left by our predecessor," said the Finance Minister.
"We are the first government in history that consolidated India's middle class and brought out the fastest depletion of poverty," he said. 
This manifesto instead, he said has been prepared with a strong nationalist vision and is "rooted" in Indian realities.
"Those who failed in the past for decades and not years can manufacture fresh ideas for the future," he said sounding critical of the intent of the Congress party and others and said in contrast it is his party and the Modi government "which has the credibility to offer a road map for the future".
Mr Jaitley maintained 2014 parliamentary elections were held in a "cynical environment" with corruption, policy paralysis and indecisiveness of the leadership.
"Both the BJP and our prime ministerial candidate in 2014 - Narendra Modi - held a hope and therefore, today's environment is entirely different. We have a government which delivered," Finance Minister said.
Mr Jaitley, who held Defence portfolio for brief spells, said the new security doctrine that has been put into practice by the Modi government underlines clearly that "deterrent itself is the best defence".
"Our new policy of striking at the terror at a point of origin has received global support," he remarked in presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj among others.
"We will reject all ideas for the balkanisation of India," he asserted adding, the BJP-led NDA if voted to power will work to make India "one of the strongest and secured countries" of the world.
Flaying Congress party and other opposition outfits, he said previous governments only gave slogans, but in contrast - "Prime Minister Modi's government delivered resources for the poor".
He said the NDA regime headed by PM Modi gave to India - a "five year tenure" government that ensured 'controlled inflation'.
"......taxes were only reduced and never increased," he said adding this was done to put more money in the pockets of people "so that they could spend more".
Castigating the opposition, he said those who have performed - that is NDA - their words carry much more credibility than who failed and therefore today India is at the cusp of history making up for all the 'lost opportunities'.

"To make India a land of opportunities, what is the kind of government we require," he wondered and hastened to add - “India cannot experiment with adventurism of failed ideas".