Saturday, December 19, 2020

Shah wins crucial round: Suvendu, several Trinamool MLAs join BJP

History in Medinipur

Medinipur (West Bengal) 
Bringing an end to all speculation, days after quitting Trinamool Congress, a key 'mass leader' in West Bengal, Suvendu Adhikari on Saturday joined BJP in presence of Union Home Minister and the saffron party's chief architect of organisational growth - Amit Shah.


The mega event was also graced by a number of sitting and former Trinamool Congress lawmakers,

state legislators and even leaders from Congress and the Left parties - who also joined the BJP

giving the Lotus party a major edge in their battle against Mamata Banerjee in the warcry of 2021.


Amit Shah joyously welcomed Suvendu's decision to join the BJP and said Adhikari has stood up against 

Mamata as she deviated from the ideology of "Maa, Maati aur Maanus" to "nepotism and appeasement politics".


"Slogan of any party is always good; but with the Trinamool, the cherished slogan of Ma, Mati and Manush was transformed into politics of Tolabaaz (corruption and extortion), appeasement (of Muslims) and a politics that gave

unbridled authorities to her Bhaipo (nephew)", Mr Shah said in presence of leaders such as Dilip Ghosh, Kailash

Vijayvargiya and Mukul Roy.

In his spirited speech, Adhikari said, "a former Trinamool leader Mukul Roy always used to encourage me to

take a decision to uphold my self respect and I am happy that I could do it today".


As many as 11 MLAs, a sitting MP and a former lawmaker joined BJP.

Besides Suvendu Adhikari, who was MLA from politically sensitive Nandigram, Tapasi Mondal, Ashoke Dinda, 

Sudip Mukherjee (Congress), Saikat Panja, Shilbhadra Dutta, Dipali Biswas, Sukra Munda, Shyamapda Mukherjee, 

Biswajit Kundu, Banasri Maity, Satyan Roy, Dashrath Tirkey and Bardhaman East MP Sunil Mondal joined the

saffron party.

The mega event at Medinipur College ground marks a new beginning in West Bengal politics as the event

is only expected to further escalate BJP's battle to wrest power in the erstwhile Left bastion and where BJP

was a negligible force even a few years ago.

 

In a dramatic change in political scenario in the state, the BJP has now emerged as a key competitor to 

the Trinamool Congress pushing the erstwhile dominant Left Front and the Congress party into the periphery.

BJP's rise began with 2019 Lok Sabha polls when the party could win as many as 18 seats as against its

paltry 7 MLAs in the state assembly polls in 2016.

Among those who joined the saffron party are Tapsi Mondal, Haldia MLA from CPI-M.  


On the background of the stage was a catchy slogan 'aar noe anyae (No More Injustice)'. 


In his spirited speech, Suvendu Adhikari said he was a true soldier of Trinamool Congress and it is also 

true that in 2019 he had given a slogan of 'BJP Hatao', but now everything is changed;

"and from tomorrow, I shall say Tolabaaz Bhaipo Hatao (Let us get rid of Nephew)' - a crystal clear message

against Mamata's nephew Abhishek Banerjee.


Shah also took a dig at Mamata Banerjee. "Why are so many people leaving Trinamool Congress? 

Because of the misrule, corruption and nepotism of Mamata Banerjee. Didi, this is just the beginning. 

By the time elections come, you will be left all alone," he cautioned the Chief Minister, who had unseated

the communists in a high voltage battle in 2011.


Both Mr Shah and Mr Adhikari's reference to growing discontent among the people and party leaders

is actually triggered by Mamata's dependence on her nephew and new found advisors like Prashant Kishore.


Suvendu also said: "I have a long association with Amit Shah ji. I have been loved by him

like an elder brother. When I was afflicted by COVID-19, no one from the Trinamool for whom I have given 21 years of my life, asked me how I was. But Amit Shahji enquired about me twice".


BJP leader Rahul Sinha took advantage of the occasion and sought to caution the policemen against 'taking

sides' in a political battle between the BJP and the Trinamool Congress.


Lately, the centre and Mamata regime also fought over transfer of three senior IPS officers.

 

The Trinamool dissident first resigned from the cabinet on November 27 and then from the party on 

December 16. His supporters - calling themselves 'Dada's footsoldiers' - had promised a political storm 

more fierce than Cyclone Amphan to sweep across West Bengal.


ends 

Politcs set for a date with Amit Shah's Bengal visit

Nirendra Dev

New Delhi: West Bengal is all set for a date with political destiny on December 19 - Saturday.

Union Home Minister Amit Shah will make two-day visit to the Mamata Banerjee-ruled state beginning Friday evening wherein summer of 2021 is set to witness mother of all elections. 

According to programme released by BJP central leadership, Mr Shah will 
offer prayers at Siddheswari Temple and pay floral tribute to revolutionary freedom fighter Khudiram Bose in West Medinipur on Saturday. 

Sources also revealed that on Saturday, the Home Minister will have lunch at the residence of one Jhunu Singh at Balijhuri village in Medinipur. Singh is a leader of a deprived section of people in the village. Posto Shakh, Lao-mugh dal and sweet will be part of the menu.

The Home Minister will pay floral tributes to Swami Vivekananda at Ramakrishna Mission, Kolkata and  will offer prayers at Devi Mahamaya Mandir in Medinipur.

He will also address a public meeting 19 Dec afternoon at Midnapore College Ground, Midnapore.
The visit by Home Minister comes close on the heels of a high profile trip of BJP chief J P Nadda, - whose tour was however marred by stone pelting on the convoy leading to serious confrontation between the centre and Ms Banerjee-led regime in the state.

Shah's visit also assumes significance as a number of prominent Trinamool leaders including 'mass leader' Suvendu Adhikari have quit the state-based party sparking off political ripples. Speculation is rife that a number of Trinamool leaders would join the BJP.
"It is combination of good batting by BJP and bad bowling by Trinamool leadership that is leaving Mamata camp deserted," says a local BJP leader Ashutosh Sen in Malda.

Among others, Jitendra Tiwari, Shyamprasad Mukherjee, Shilbhadra Dutta and Feroz Qamal Gazi.
A number of Trinamool leaders from Bishnupur area also quit the party and most of them may join BJP sooner than later.

In a dramatic change in political scenario in the state, the BJP has now emerged as a key competitor to the Trinamool Congress pushing the erstwhile dominant Left Front and the Congress party into the periphery.
Trinamool Congress has meanwhile tried to drag Shah into a row over a poster that shows the Home Minister in more prominent size than the world poet Rabindranath Tagore.
"Mr Amit Shah your pompous nature and disconnect with the culture of Bengal has surfaced once again," senior Trinamool leader Partha Chatterjee tweeted. "This is exactly why you will remain outsiders to us".
The BJP-Trinamool tussle has been now led to a bitter rivalry between the two parties on the issues of 'local outsiders' card as pushed by TMC as against the nationalism and 'genuine Parivartan' call given by the saffron party.
Lately, the centre and Mamata regime also fought over transfer of three senior IPS officers.




'Angry' rural Bengal concerned about Bangladeshi infiltration

Nirendra Dev

Malda/Islampur

Rural Bengal gives an angry look these days. The mood is palpably of grievance against the political class.
In the run up to the assembly polls of 2021, some voters say being 'asha-vadi optimistic' is also perhaps being revolutionary in today's world as the north Bengal is in an era where lip service abounds and hypocrisy prevails.

Not far from Naxalbari, where peasants' protest once turned bloody, the 44-year-old Bidyut Kanti Pal says, "Politics
of Hindu-Muslim has grown stronger here over last two years and this is why Mamata Banerjee's series of
welfare measures and dole-outs did not help much in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections".
Besides key North Bengal constituencies, the BJP's penetration was significant 
in the state's agriculture-rich constituencies of Hooghly and Bardhaman-Durgapur, he explains.

Voters are concerned about 'infiltration' of Bangladeshis and in many corner there is suspicion that 'local political backing' is also helping Rohingas to sneak in.

Others say the violence of 2018 panchayat elections have left people anguished and thus while Trinamool
suffered in pastoral areas, the Didi's party - however- did well in most urban constituencies.
Of the 12 seats Trinamool lost out of the 34 it had won in 2014 in the state, most were in remote and far-flung locations.

"I say logic fails as Trinamool's Kanyashree scheme is very popular. Admired by the UN and also implemented in other states,
under the scheme, the state provides a one-time grant of Rs 25,000 once a girl reaches the age of 18 and 
continues her studies. But when it came to voting, even womenfolk did not help Didi apparently," lamented Islampur-based
Trinamool worker Roba Sen.
However, the general refrain among Muslim voters in rural Bengal too has been that they would generally stick to Didi.
"However, the possible division among Muslim voters is an issue. Mamata Banerjee has set up Aliah University, a minority education institution with a budget of Rs 257 crore. But the BJP campaign seems to be powerful. Several Hindus
in these pockets have shifted loyalties especially those who earlier backed the communists," she explains.

The scheme of providing financial assistance to Imams and Moazzins - numbering an estimated 63,000 plus 
has irked Hindus and this was well exploited by the BJP.

In 2019 Lok Sabha polls, the BJP vote share in the state jumped from 17 per cent to 40.2 per cent. Ms Banerjee's
party also recorded an increase from 39 per cent to 43 per cent. "This happened though, Trinamool seats came down from
34 to 22. Increase in Trinamool vote percentage meant that the Muslim community voted en masse for Didi, says a local
trader Iqbal Nawaz.

Of course, such shift of Muslim votes had resulted in massive drop in CPI(M)-led Left Front vote share from 29.9 per cent 
to 7.5 per cent between 2014 and 2019. These mean Congress and the Leftists would be further marginalised in near future, say
local political workers.

According to a Trinamool booth worker in Siliguri, here comes the challenge for his party. "Keeping Muslim base intact
would be a difficult proposition for us where as the BJP has multiple machinations to work. Asaduddin Owaisi-led AIMIM
and a local Muslim cleric Pirzada Abbas Siddiqui could in effect eat into Mamata's support base among Muslims," he says.

In November, a video went viral, say locals - that showed Siddiqui indulging in fear mongering - “If we do not come to power next time, they (Hindus) will rape our women in front of our eyes. You cannot do anything if you do not have power in your hands".

Common citizenry in Malda says such statements would only help the BJP in the long run.

AIMIM chief Owaisi has already held a meeting in Hyderabad and made it clear that his party will contest state
assembly elections in Bengal for sure.
AIMIM picked up five seats in Bihar and four of them were in constituencies adjoining Mamata Banerjee's state.

The saffron party leaders in Malda-Murshidabad region also say that since 2011, when the last census was carried out;
the Muslim population in West Bengal grew by 1.77 percent and on the contrary, the Hindu population has reportedly declined
by 1.9 per cent.

These have only given additional political ammunition to the Lotus party. Samik Bhattacharya, state BJP leader, says   
there is a well planned out conspiracy by Trinamool and police for 'mass infiltration' of Muslim immigrants from 
neighbouring Bangladesh.

These leaders say Hindus have been outnumbered in Malda, Murshidabad Uttar Dinajpur districts.

In this context, political observers say the BJP has tried to ensure a deeper penetration by talking about
Mamata's alleged 'disruption' of Durga puja celebrations and also organised a series of events during the last two
years to celebrate 'Ram Navami' and 'Hanuman Jayanti'.

Of course, these two festivals were generally not very common socio-religious functions among Bengalis till few years ago.

A retired trade union leader says in this context, the Mamata-led party actually made some mistakes or 
has done very little to help itself. 

The Chief Minister initially dismissed these as 'North Indian festivals' and said the 'outsiders' are trying to
push their 'cultural hegemony' in her state as against 

However, locals say at a later stage, the Trinamool leadership took corrective steps 
and participated in several Hindu religious festivals. Mamata Banerjee herself honoured 
Hindu priests and Hindu religious singers.
"We will try to pay an assistance of Rs 1000 to Bahmin (priests)," she said at a public function.



Tuesday, December 15, 2020

Remembering writer John le Carré : (Courtesy - New York Times, The Guardian)

 If he had political points to make, and he increasingly did, John le Carre still gift-wrapped them with elegant, complicated plots and dead-on descriptions; he could paint a whole character in a single sentence. He was a best seller many times over, and at least a half dozen of his novels — including “A Perfect Spy” (1986), which Philip Roth pronounced “the best English novel since the war” — can be considered classics. 


But he will always be best known for his Cold War novels, a perfect match of author and subject. -- 'New York Times'

He was in his late 20s when he began to write fiction – in longhand, in small red pocket notebooks, on his daily train journey between his home in Buckinghamshire and his day job with MI5, the counter-intelligence service, in London. After the publication of two neatly crafted novels, Call for the Dead (1961) and A Murder of Quality (1962), which received measured reviews and modest sales, he hit the big time w

      John le Carré in 1979. He had begun writing fiction as a commuter from his home in Buckinghamshire to the London offices of MI5, the counter-intelligence service. 

- (The Guardian)

The real enemies for Le Carré were not the Russian gangsters, for all their brutality, but the western, and particularly British, enablers and louche House of Lords and City corruptionists, with palms extended to take a share of the money, however obtained and from whatever source. The upper-class rogues who control “Great Britain plc” come quite high in Le Carré’s ranking of evil men. The Mossack Fonseca revelations of 2016 gave his novels of the past several decades a sharp timeliness.


***

By Sarah Lyall

(in New York Times) 

LONDON — John le Carré, whose exquisitely nuanced, intricately plotted Cold War thrillers elevated the spy novel to high art by presenting both Western and Soviet spies as morally compromised cogs in a rotten system full of treachery, betrayal and personal tragedy, died on Saturday in Cornwall, England. He was 89.

The cause was pneumonia, his publisher, Penguin Random House, said on Sunday (Dec 13, 2020)

Before Mr. le Carré published his best-selling 1963 novel “The Spy Who Came in From the Cold,” which Graham Greene called “the best spy story I have ever read,” the fictional model for the modern British spy was Ian Fleming’s James Bond — suave, urbane, devoted to queen and country. With his impeccable talent for getting out of trouble while getting women into bed, Bond fed the myth of spying as a glamorous, exciting romp.


Mr. Le Carré upended that notion with books that portrayed British intelligence operations as cesspools of ambiguity in which right and wrong are too close to call and in which it is rarely obvious whether the ends, even if the ends are clear, justify the means.

Led by his greatest creation, the plump, ill-dressed, unhappy, brilliant, relentless George Smiley, Mr. le Carré’s spies are lonely, disillusioned men whose work is driven by budget troubles, bureaucratic power plays and the opaque machinations of politicians — men who are as likely to be betrayed by colleagues and lovers as by the enemy.

Smiley has a counterpart in the Russian master spy Karla, his opposite in ideology but equal in almost all else, an opponent he studies as intimately as a lover studies his beloved. The end of “Smiley’s People,” the last in a series known as the Karla Trilogy, brings them together in a stunning denouement that is as much about human frailty and the deep loss that comes with winning as it is about anything.

“Thematically, le Carré’s true subject is not spying,” Timothy Garton Ash wrote in The New Yorker in 1999. “It is the endlessly deceptive maze of human relations: the betrayal that is a kind of love, the lie that is a sort of truth, good men serving bad causes and bad men serving good.”

Some critics took Mr. le Carré’s message to be that the two systems, East and West, were moral equivalents, both equally bad. But he did not believe that. “There is a big difference in working for the West and working for a totalitarian state,” he told an interviewer, referring to his own work as a spy in the 1950s and early ’60s.

Mr. le Carré refused to allow his books to be entered for literary prizes. But many critics considered his books literature of the first rank.

“I think he has easily burst out of being a genre writer and will be remembered as perhaps the most significant novelist of the second half of the 20th century in Britain,” the author Ian McEwan told the British newspaper The Telegraph in 2013, adding that he has “charted our decline and recorded the nature of our bureaucracies like no one else has.”

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Mr. le Carré’s own youthful experience as a British agent, along with his thorough field research as a writer, gave his novels the stamp of authority. But he used reality as a starting-off point to create an indelible fictional world.


In his books, the Secret Intelligence Service, otherwise known as M.I.6., was the “Circus,” agents were “joes,” operations involving seduction were “honeytraps” and agents deeply embedded inside the enemy were “moles,” a word he is credited with bringing into wide use if not inventing it. Such expressions were taken up by real British spies to describe their work, much as the Mafia absorbed the language of “The Godfather” into their mythology.


“As much as in Tolkien, Wodehouse, Chandler or even Jane Austen, this closed world is a whole world,” the critic Boyd Tonkin wrote in The Independent. “Via the British ‘Circus’ and its Soviet counterpart, Le Carré created a laboratory of human nature; a test-track where the innate fractures of the heart and mind could be driven to destruction.”

In a career spanning more than a half-century, Mr. le Carré wrote more than two-dozen books and set them as far afield as Rwanda, Chechnya, Turkey, the Caribbean and Southeast Asia. He addressed topics as diverse as the power of pharmaceutical companies, the Arab-Israeli conflict and — after the Berlin Wall fell and his novels became more polemical, and he became more politicized — American and British human-rights excesses in countering terrorism.

If he had political points to make, and he increasingly did, he still gift-wrapped them with elegant, complicated plots and dead-on descriptions; he could paint a whole character in a single sentence. He was a best seller many times over, and at least a half dozen of his novels — including “A Perfect Spy” (1986), which Philip Roth pronounced “the best English novel since the war” — can be considered classics. 

But he will always be best known for his Cold War novels, a perfect match of author and subject.



John le Carré obituary


Writer whose spy novels chronicle how people’s lives play out in the corrupt setting of the cold war era and beyond

Eric Homberger

He was in his late 20s when he began to write fiction – in longhand, in small red pocket notebooks, on his daily train journey between his home in Buckinghamshire and his day job with MI5, the counter-intelligence service, in London. After the publication of two neatly crafted novels, Call for the Dead (1961) and A Murder of Quality (1962), which received measured reviews and modest sales, he hit the big time with The Spy Who Came in from the Cold (1963).


Its publisher, Victor Gollancz, secured a puff from Graham Greene (“the best spy story I have ever read”), and the widely rumoured belief that the author was an insider in the secret world of intelligence helped his third novel become one of the great bestsellers of the postwar period.


Le Carré’s subject was the human and political ambiguities of the cold war. His book was gritty, stripped of glamour. Reviewers talked of The Spy Who Came in from the Cold as a grown-up answer to Ian Fleming’s James Bond novels. It was more than that. His taut, complex plot, strong storytelling gifts, and distinctive characterisation made his book a memorable literary achievement.


Yet Le Carré believed that literary London, with its longstanding apartheid separating literary fiction from its commercial ugly sister, genre fiction, never quite accepted his success. He was not a comfortable player in the metropolitan literary scene. When he was nominated for the Booker prize in 2011, within 45 minutes his agent issued a statement from the author: “I do not compete for literary prizes and have therefore asked for my name to be withdrawn.”


David Cornwell, aka John le Carré, at home with his sons Stephen, left, and Simon, 1964.

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 David Cornwell, aka John le Carré, at home with his sons Stephen, left, and Simon, 1964. Photograph: Ralph Crane/The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images

He was born David Cornwell, in Poole, Dorset, and adopted the pen name John le Carré when his first novel was published. His paternal grandfather was a respectable nonconformist bricklayer who became a house builder and served as mayor of Poole. Family life, with hovering Cornwell aunts, was dominated by piety and decorum, leavened by David’s black-sheep father, Ronnie, a noted con man and maestro of bankruptcies, financial crises and repeated brushes with the law. His explosive temper led to beatings for David, “but only a few times and not with much conviction”.


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In 1937, when his mother, Olive (nee Glassy, and known as Wiggly in the family), ran off with an estate agent, David was told that she had died. He tracked her down years later, and they met on a platform of Ipswich train station. There was nothing to heal in their broken relationship, and, as he reported in his 2016 memoir The Pigeon Tunnel, she did not think very much of his novels.


He was raised in a bookless household, and left to find his own way to Sapper, the creator of Bulldog Drummond and Arthur Conan Doyle. Sent away to prep school, St Andrew’s, Pangbourne, and then to Sherborne school in Dorset, David became a modern linguist with a special interest in German. He detested the Anglican piety and rampant bullying at his public school, quickly learning the survival value of creating a legend that he had a normal family life.


He never knew when he went home for school holidays which of his father’s mistresses would be waiting to greet him, and deception and lying were the ways adult life seemed to work. He and his older brother, Tony, developed skills in observation and reading between the lines, targeted at their father. They read Ronnie’s letters, and rifled through his filing cabinets in the hope of uncovering their father’s complex web of lies. Passionate in devotion to his children, Ronnie in turn kept his boys under constant surveillance, listening to their phone calls, searching their rooms, opening their mail. Life with Ronnie was an apprenticeship in espionage.


In Single & Single (1999), Le Carré revisited the experience of fathers and sons spying on each other. The struggle against his father continued far beyond Ronnie’s death in 1975. “Until I die the father-son relationship will obsess me,” Le Carré commented in an interview in 1999. His 1986 novel A Perfect Spy, praised by Philip Roth as “the best English novel since the war,” opened a window upon his family life.


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He toyed with the idea of writing an autobiography long before the publication of The Pigeon Tunnel, more an engaging collection of reminiscences than an exploration of his inner life – what was left out of his memoirs was striking. Yet the chapter titled Son of the Author’s Father, first published as In Ronnie’s Court in the New Yorker in 2002, is a troubled, brilliant and unforgettable portrait of his parents. His father’s judgment of other people, he wrote, “depended entirely on how much they respected him”.


Le Carré studied German at the University of Berne in 1947-48. A young Englishman from the right social background, approaching fluency in German, inevitably came to the attention of the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS, familiarly MI6), and he was recruited by a talentspotter in the British embassy in Berne.


John le Carré receiving an honorary doctorate in Oxford, 2012. He had gained a first in modern languages there in 1956.

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 John le Carré receiving an honorary doctorate in Oxford, 2012. He had gained a first in modern languages there in 1956. Photograph: Robert Judges/REX/Shutterstock

Called up for national service in 1949, Le Carré spent time as an intelligence officer in Graz, interviewing defectors from the wrong side of the iron curtain. He found no heroes even among the most daring escapees from East Germany. After two years, his father persuaded Lincoln College, Oxford, to allow his son to be interviewed, although the college had already filled its quota for freshers, and he was accepted to read modern languages in 1952.


At Oxford he resumed work as an intelligence agent. He contributed drawings to Oxford Left magazine and compiled dossiers for MI5 on fellow students suspected of leftwing activity. Le Carré recalled these years with lighthearted irony in A Perfect Spy, but he accepted that communist subversion was a real danger to Britain.


In 1954 he married Ann Sharp. After his father’s spectacular bankruptcy that year, Le Carré was forced to leave Oxford, and taught briefly at Edgarley Hall, a prep school near Glastonbury, before returning to Oxford, and being awarded a first in 1956. He became a schoolmaster at Eton, where he taught German language and literature for two years, and found life laden with complexities. “I found I was involved in a kind of social war. One lived midway between the drawing room and the servants’ green baize door.” In a Paris Review interview he suggested that the worst pupils at Eton provided him with “a unique insight into the criminal mind”.


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Le Carré’s CV became more interesting in the years after 1958. Officially, he qualified for a late entrants’ scheme at the Foreign Office, and in 1961 was sent to the Bonn embassy. He made frequent visits to Berlin in that summer, and accompanied Germans who attracted the attention of the Foreign Office on visits to Britain. He continued to scribble away at his novels, until the success of The Spy Who Came in from the Cold enabled him to resign.


Le Carré’s own later accounts of his career in British intelligence veered from flat denials to sharply limited acknowledgments that yes, he had been in British intelligence, but no, he would say nothing about it. His lifelong commitment to the omertà demanded of his counter-espionage work in MI5, and his time as an SIS old boy (“I am bound by the vestiges of old-fashioned loyalty to my former services”), could scarcely be sustained. The details began to leak out, and with the publication of Adam Sisman’s substantial biography of Le Carré in 2015, such denials were untenable. This cat was out of the bag, but the precise details of his work have never been spoken of.


He was a protege of the spy-catcher Maxwell Knight. His principal mentor at MI5 was the senior agent-runner “Jack” Bingham (who in 1961 succeeded as seventh Baron Clanmorris). Their relationship did not long survive Bingham’s resentment that Le Carré was cashing in on his secret service. Why, he demanded, would any decent person soil the good name of the service and provide encouragement for the KGB?


Le Carré devoted himself in MI5 to the patriotic duty of giving the Communist party in Britain a hard time. He ran long-term informants (“joes”) who were active trade unionists and Communist party members, disillusioned by Khrushchev’s revelations about Stalin’s crimes. There were interrogations to be conducted, phones to tap, and break-ins to authorise. It was all small-bore stuff, and he did not much enjoy it.


In 1960, for reasons never publicly stated, he applied to transfer to MI6, completing an initiation course in intelligence tradecraft the following spring. He was sent under Foreign Office cover to Bonn as second secretary (political). He was not declared to the BND (the German Intelligence Service). Bonn was an important posting, and his fluency in German made him a coming man.


John le Carré with film fans in Berlin, 2016

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 John le Carré with film fans in Berlin, 2016 Photograph: Action Press/REX/Shutterstock

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In the immediate aftermath of the erection of the Berlin Wall in August 1961, Le Carré was sent to assess its consequences. As with his time at Eton, familiarity with the FO and MI6 seemed to deepen his contempt for such institutions and their ethos. The harsh portrayal of the Bonn embassy in A Small Town in Germany (1968) gave serious offence to old colleagues.


The Spy Who Came in from the Cold announced a new voice in the rich British tradition of espionage writing. Nothing in Le Carré’s previous novels had suggested he had the skill to create such a tense and richly nuanced portrayal of an espionage operation. It remains the most perfectly plotted of his books.


In an introduction written for a 1978 reissue of the novel, Le Carré explained that, despite the intricate complexity of his plots, he did not work with a written plan. “I never made a ‘skeleton’ and seldom planned beyond the chapter. I knew that, because I still don’t. I reach a point, sleep on it, go on to the next, or tear up and go back a step till the continuity feels organically right.” Even basic aspects of the plot were discovered en route. After sending Alec Leamas to prison, he had no idea what would become of him on his release.


He spoke of the way he ended the novel in an interview with Melvyn Bragg in 1976: “I reversed the plot quite arbitrarily, and right at the end of the book turned the whole thing inside out. Quite often, you have that feeling of revelation: how ridiculous, I’ve been straining to make this character sympathetic when actually he is an identifiable beast.”


The novel deeply impressed the professionals. Markus Wolf, chief of the East German espionage service, was gripped by Le Carré’s insight into the tensions in his own service between the espionage and counter-espionage. He feared that Le Carré possessed a mole, an informant, within Wolf’s agency. Richard Helms, later director of the CIA, hated the book for undermining the bedrock of secrecy and trust on which intelligence work depended. He did not just dislike Le Carré’s work, he “detested it”.


MI6 bigwigs were not best pleased with the success of his novel and the lively publicity it generated. The festering suspicion that Kim Philby was a Soviet agent and Philby’s disappearance in 1963 brought to boiling point the spy hysteria in the press and in the security services. Fearing that the publicity surrounding his novel would reveal his true role, Le Carré was asked to leave the service.


Mikhail Lyubimov, the “most brilliant and level-headed” of the large KGB contingent at the London residency from 1960 to 1964, and who served as chief of the British department of the KGB in the 1970s, claimed that it was Philby who betrayed Le Carré’s identity as a spy to the KGB. His departure from MI6 followed Philby’s flight to Moscow. Le Carré believed this to be the case, and repeatedly expressed his “unqualified contempt” for Philby. While in Moscow on a writerly visit in 1983, he flatly refused to meet him.

In October 1965 Le Carré was denounced in the Literary Gazette in Moscow as an agent of British intelligence and an apologist for the cold war. Le Carré stated in a BBC interview that “I wasn’t a spy, and I didn’t meet spies during my Foreign Office work.” His artfully crafted reply to the Russians, published in Encounter in 1966, similarly rejected the accusation. It was a denial he maintained at least until 1983. Meanwhile, until the 1980s he continued to send the manuscripts of his novels to SIS for pre-publication vetting.


 Claire Bloom and Richard Burton in the film version of The Spy Who Came in from the Cold, 1965, directed by Martin Ritt. (The Guardian)

The harsh Martin Ritt movie of The Spy Who Came in from the Cold (1965), starring Richard Burton and Claire Bloom, won four Bafta awards, including best British film. Le Carré’s account of the making of the movie appears in The Pigeon Tunnel.


After leaving the Foreign Office, he took his family to live in Crete, where he wrote A Small Town in Germany. It was a novel steeped in the hesitant British engagement in the European Economic Community, and the rise of demagogic rightwing populist movements in Germany. The world of British diplomacy has rarely seemed more threadbare, and in the aggressive, lower-class Alan Turner, Le Carré created a perfect foil for the self-deluded upper-class diplomats who proved easy prey for a mole.


American sales made Le Carré a wealthy man, as writers go, but his marriage did not long survive his transition to the life of a full-time writer. In 1964 he began an intense friendship with the novelist James Kennaway, and then an affair with Kennaway’s wife, Susan. The relationship is portrayed in Kennaway’s novel Some Gorgeous Accident (1967), Le Carré’s The Naive and Sentimental Lover (1971), and in The Kennaway Papers, edited by Susan Kennaway in 1981. Everyone came away with a trophy book from this complicated relationship.


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 Spy-turned-author John le Carré dies aged 89 – video

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The Naive and Sentimental Lover was poorly received. (“The book is a disastrous failure” – TLS.) Reviewers and readers knew what kind of book they wanted from Le Carré, and he was henceforth ruefully prepared to accept the reading public’s judgment.


Le Carré and his wife divorced in 1971 (“I think we should dissolve our marriage,” he wrote from Malibu), and he subsequently married Jane Eustace, an editor with his publishers.


The mole-hunting years, from the unmasking of George Blake to the uncovering of the treason of Anthony Blunt, left the intelligence community battered and discredited. Le Carré had certainly contributed to a new realism about spying, giving readers the strong impression that when spies went about their business they tended to leave their dinner jackets at home. Despite voting Labour and feeling despair at the war in Vietnam, he was not a natural fellow-traveller or much of a man of the left. He politely turned down being made a CBE from the government of Margaret Thatcher. But however clearly he saw the human and institutional failings of the guardians of western liberty, that did not make the KGB and its values any less loathsome.


The pursuit of the KGB spymaster Karla, who has penetrated the “Circus” and ruthlessly exploited its core values of liberal humanism, is conducted by George Smiley through Le Carré’s trilogy of novels, Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy (1974), The Honourable Schoolboy (1977) and Smiley’s People (1979). Smiley is an unexpected sort of a hero, “a committed doubter”, who has “sacrificed his life to institutions” but who is determined to protect what is worth protecting in a world of disintegrating values.


Alec Guinness as George Smiley in the TV adaptation of Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy, 1979.

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 Alec Guinness as George Smiley in the TV adaptation of Tinker Tailor Soldier Spy, 1979. Photograph: Allstar/BBC/Sportsphoto Ltd/Allstar

John Irvin directed the celebrated BBC/Paramount adaptation, starring Alec Guinness, in 1979. In 2009-10, BBC Radio 4 broadcast adaptations of the Smiley novels starring Simon Russell Beale. The Swedish director Tomas Alfredson’s austere remake, with Gary Oldman as Smiley (and in which Le Carré had a walk-on part, lustily singing the Soviet national anthem), was released in 2011.


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Le Carré went about the business of being a novelist with journalistic care. Every potential location was visited and conversations, tones, accents, dress and the feel of a location found a place in his travel notebooks. The immediacy of his observations gave his novels an extraordinary visual precision. The publication of those notebooks would provide an extraordinary insight into the way he wrote. While working on Tinker Tailor in the early 1970s he made photographic studies of locations he planned to use (“partly to give me documentary help”), but in later years travel notebooks sufficed. When he visited Lebanon and Israel, doing research for The Little Drummer Girl (1983), he talked to Israeli generals and senior intelligence figures. A knowledgable raconteur with an operational background, Le Carré found unexpected doors open to him.


An account in The Pigeon Tunnel places Le Carré in Beirut, being driven blindfolded to an anonymous building, and then taken into a room to wait. Yasser Arafat enters. “Mr David, why have you come to see me?” I have come, Le Carré said, to put my hand on the Palestinian heart. At which, Arafat seized Le Carré’s hand, placing it on his chest. “It is here, it is here.”


He came to see a moderation in Arafat which confounded western propaganda. Arafat and other Palestinian leaders were unexpectedly forthcoming. The experience of visiting the Palestinian camps in Lebanon enabled Le Carré to see the Palestinians as victims, and not as terrorists. He was accused in Israel of being antisemitic, a claim heartily rejected by Le Carré, and by independent commentators. A review of The Tailor of Panama in the New York Times in 1996, implying that Le Carré was an antisemite, led to an ill-tempered exchange of letters with Salman Rushdie in the Guardian in 1997.


He had been writing for decades about the disintegration of cold war simplicities. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989 confirmed his sense that both sides were equally exhausted. The Secret Pilgrim (1990) introduces the first of a new variety of villain: Sir Anthony Joyston Bradshaw, a smooth-tongued amoral capitalist for whom the Thatcherite and Reaganite theology of free markets proved highly serviceable.


John le Carré and his wife, Jane, at the Berlin film festival, 2001

(Courtesy - New York Times, The Guardian) 

He found rich ambiguities in the world of private banking in Single & Single and of post-9/11 espionage in A Most Wanted Man (2008). The fate of the disaffected Muslim immigrant Issa Karpov, torn to shreds by competing intelligence agencies, British, American and German, did not fit into the emerging western discourses of terrorism. Alan Furst in the New York Times said A Most Wanted Man was Le Carré’s “strongest, most powerful novel” with “near perfect narrative pace”. The diatribes against Tony Blair and the British role in the invasion of Iraq in Absolute Friends (2003) were more enthusiastically received in Britain than in the US.

• John le Carré (David John Moore Cornwell), novelist, born 19 October 1931; died 12 December 2020




Monday, December 14, 2020

Dr S Jaishankar, Minister of External Affairs (on former Defence Minister Late Parrikar (Dec 13, 2020 speech)


Few would disagree with the proposition that when Manohar Parrikar came to Delhi as Minister of Defence, it was like a breath of fresh air, that too from Goa. This was much needed because it is typical in any system to see habits to set in and beliefs to become entrenched. 



Parrikar ji came in with his ‘different’ persona, took charge and then brought his enormous energy to bear on all matters of national security. And he did that in his own inimitable style, engaging intensively with his colleagues and with his co-workers, questioning assumptions, offering his own views very transparently, inviting those of others and taking part himself in the argumentation that followed. 

It certainly was quite different from the ethos prevailing before that. Even though his tenure was less than three years, he established a well-deserved reputation for being practical and for being outcome-oriented. He showed strategic clarity in assessing the world and did what he should on important matters of national interest. 


Today, it is his outlook that I would like to focus on and emphasize to you the need to be non-dogmatic and self-critical when it comes to policy-making. Even otherwise, these are valuable attributes, but especially so in a world that is rapidly changing.

"Now, the global order is continuously evolving and tracking that process is intrinsic to policy-making. What may be different now is the magnitude, complexity and pace of change. Because it has so many more dimensions and variables, the prospect of not fully comprehending all its implications is more real."



EAM's remarks at the Second Manohar Parrikar Memorial Lecture
December 13, 2020


Gen. Shekatkar
Gen. Khandare
Dear Friends,

1. We are all here virtually to remember Manohar Parrikar ji who would have turned 65 years old today. It is natural for us to express our feelings and recall our associations. I myself had the opportunity of working with him as Foreign Secretary. Quite apart from our many official interactions, my recollection is of a warm and informal person, with no airs about him. He could be very caring and it was very easy to build a rapport with him. So, I can well imagine that there are many plugged into this event who would share my sentiments about him.

2. But on an occasion like this, it would also be right to step back a bit and assess what he meant in terms of policy-making and governance. And how much of that ended up as his legacy. I am grateful to Gen. Shekatkar and the Forum for Integrated National Security for bringing us all together in that endeavour. It is a real honour to deliver the Second Manohar Parrikar Memorial Lecture. And the theme I have selected for my remarks is of the relationship between defence and diplomacy to underline the importance of greater integration in policy making. In many ways, those are the very issues which were at the core of my interaction with Manohar Parrikarji.


3. Few would disagree with the proposition that when Manohar Parrikar came to Delhi as Minister of Defence, it was like a breath of fresh air, that too from Goa. This was much needed because it is typical in any system to see habits to set in and beliefs to become entrenched. Parrikar ji came in with his ‘different’ persona, took charge and then brought his enormous energy to bear on all matters of national security. And he did that in his own inimitable style, engaging intensively with his colleagues and with his co-workers, questioning assumptions, offering his own views very transparently, inviting those of others and taking part himself in the argumentation that followed. It certainly was quite different from the ethos prevailing before that. 


Even though his tenure was less than three years, he established a well-deserved reputation for being practical and for being outcome-oriented. He showed strategic clarity in assessing the world and did what he should on important matters of national interest. Today, it is his outlook that I would like to focus on and emphasize to you the need to be non-dogmatic and self-critical when it comes to policy-making. Even otherwise, these are valuable attributes, but especially so in a world that is rapidly changing.



4. Now, the global order is continuously evolving and tracking that process is intrinsic to policy-making. What may be different now is the magnitude, complexity and pace of change. Because it has so many more dimensions and variables, the prospect of not fully comprehending all its implications is more real. These are not just matters of policies and their implementation; we have actually seen sharp shifts in the basic stance and behaviour of nations and their interplay with each other. Some of this has unfolded more visibly in the last year; but its contours were evident even before. The salience of China and the re-positioning of the United States are perhaps the two sharpest examples. But there are many others of great consequence, whether we speak of Brexit and intra-EU politics, the Abraham Accords and the dynamics of the Gulf, the challenges faced by Africa, the ideological debates which we see in Latin America, or the evolution of the Indo-Pacific. Each, in their own way, is a reflection of this larger rebalancing and the emergence of multi-polarity.

5. Now, the resulting redistribution of power is, however, not a zero-sum-game among national competitors. There are new assertions in areas like connectivity and finance, just as there are growing deficits in global goods and multilateral regimes. Such a profound transformation in the global landscape obviously cannot leave India unaffected. What are our key national security challenges, where and how do they arise, who are actual or potential partners, what can be optimal solutions – these are all questions to which the answers currently are very different from what there may have been in earlier decades. Our policy planning – indeed our strategic thinking – must obviously adjust to these new realities.

6. Change, however, is not just external. If we are the fifth largest economy in the world and third actually by PPP terms, our relationship with the world cannot be the same as when our ranking was much lower. Similarly, if our contribution to global talent and skills demand is so much larger, then so too will be our relevance in the calculations of others. A growing domestic demand will give our markets a salience in the business planning of the world that it did not have earlier. The same holds true for our growing capabilities, whether in defence, economy or technology. On the big global issues of our times – whether we speak of climate change, trade flows, health concerns or data security – India’s positioning has more influence on the eventual outcome. Our stakes in the world have certainly become higher; and correspondingly, so too have the expectations of us. Simply put, India matters more and our world view must process that in all its aspects. And just as important, our work style and mindset must adjust to raise the level of our game.

7. The national security challenges faced by this rising India are obviously also going to be different. At one level, some of the more perennial problems associated with our national consolidation and development will continue. In particular, a long-standing political rivalry is today expressed as sustained cross-border terrorism by a neighbour. Today, as Gen. Shekatkar reminded us, is the anniversary of the attack on the Parliament. In some other cases, activities of insurgent groups need to be continuously monitored and neutralized. But the world is a competitive place and India’s rise will evoke its own reactions and responses. There will be attempts to dilute our influence and limit our interests. Some of this contestation can be directly in the security domain; others could be reflected in economics, connectivity and even in societal contacts. Indeed, as the metrics of measuring power themselves undergo change, so too will their application when it comes to the games that nations play. We are an increasingly inter-dependent world, with many of the accompanying constraints. The era of unconstrained military conflicts may be behind us. But the reality of limited wars and coercive diplomacy is still very much a fact of life. Visualizing and responding to a new range of national security complexities require the willingness to continuously review policy and audit performance. And that is an area where Manohar Parrikar ji certainly serves as an inspiration.

8. Since 2014, we have witnessed a number of conceptual changes in Indian foreign policy. Much of that was influenced by the growing understanding of the different world that we had begun to face. In terms of Neighbourhood First, the new approach envisaged a generous and non-reciprocal engagement of neighbours that was centred around connectivity, contacts and cooperation. The enhanced importance of India to the daily life of its neighbourhood will clearly build stronger regionalism. But it was also one that is clearly predicated on mutual sensitivity and mutual respect for each other’s interests. This was followed by the SAGAR doctrine which took an integrated view of the maritime space in India’s proximity and beyond. Here too, a template of cooperation was created that gave long-awaited attention to strengthening maritime capabilities, infrastructure, activities and cooperation. To India’s West, there was a conscious initiative to appreciate and engage the Gulf in its full strategic manifestation. This took the relationship beyond the more limited understanding of the region’s energy and diaspora relevance to India.

9. Correspondingly on the East, the roll-out of the Act East policy added the security and connectivity dimensions more prominently to an interaction that was already central to India’s globalization. The overarching view, of course, was of a steadily growing multi-polarity that mandated a stronger Indian engagement with the major power centres. It not only took greater finessing to do that successfully but also a nuanced understanding to ensure that we got the best value from each of these ties. All this required a more holistic and integrated view of the evolving global architecture, one that brought elements of politics, defence, internal security, economics, commerce, technology and connectivity together.

10. On his part, Manohar Parrikar ji made a particular contribution to promoting synergies between defence and foreign policies, institutionally reflected in closer MEA–MoD cooperation. This yielded results not only in terms of the larger strategic framework but also in responding to the challenges of the day. If we were successful in evacuating 5600 persons of 41 countries during the Yemen conflict, this was due in no small measure to the contributions made by the Indian Navy and Air Force. The civil-military partnership was even more strongly in evidence when we responded so promptly to the catastrophic Nepal earthquake in 2015. Indeed, the firm establishment of India’s role as a first-responder in HADR situations across the Indian Ocean and its littorals was a result of these shared endeavours. That Op Rahat, Op Maitri or Op Sankat-Mochan entered the Foreign Ministry lexicon so readily, so naturally , spoke volumes of the distance we travelled during this period. The sense of coordination and shared responsibility that many of these activities reflected grew rapidly as we dealt with different facets of national security. Whether it was the strike across the LoC in the aftermath of the Uri terrorist attack or the neutralizing of IIGs along the Myanmar border, the Foreign Ministry was very much an integral element of a larger effort.

11. At times, this could be even broader, such as the effort to accelerate the building of a contemporary border infrastructure. And here too, I saw first-hand Manohar Parrikar ji’s willingness to challenge orthodoxies as he set about determinedly reforming the Border Roads Organization. Policy and practicality of course go hand-in-hand and the intensification of strategic partnerships only takes place when that happens. Parrikar ji made a notable contribution to the development of three of them – with France, with the United States and with Russia. The personal equations he developed contributed in no small way to that objective. Overall, in an era where foreign policy has got more securitized and defence policy has got more strategized, the integrated outlook that he promoted has certainly introduced changes in our working style.So as we look ahead, it is also natural to ask ourselves how he would have approached the issues with which we are grappling today.

12. The interplay between diplomacy and defence policy has been visible from the early days of our independence. Having served in many Embassies where this was happening, I can personally testify to the difference that adept diplomacy can make to defence preparedness. Given our industrial limitations, we have long been dependent on import of equipment and technology. While it is now our endeavor to strengthen defence industry at home, it will nevertheless remain a major consideration in the foreseeable future. Now, it must be credited to Indian diplomacy that over the years, they have allowed the nation to source its defence needs from many suppliers, ranging from Russia and the United States to France, UK, Germany and Israel. We may take this as granted today in a world where commercial interests are paramount. But do remember that it happened through an era where political considerations were much more dominant. Indeed, much of our foreign policy energies were focused on developing this access and our success in doing should not actually diminish this achievement.

13. Even more challenging was the task of overcoming the hurdles of technology denial that became increasingly problematic after 1974. While they targeted our nuclear and space capabilities, their impact on our defence requirements was also very significant. It is no accident that the resumption of the India-US defence trade took place in parallel to the evolution of the India-US nuclear deal. Since then, India’s membership of various export control regimes has enhanced the level of comfort vis-à-vis its defence partners. In recent years, the prospect of India participating in global defence supply chains has come closer to reality. Indeed, given the importance of contract designing and engineering, the value of Indian talent has also steadily grown for an international defence industry focused particularly now on resilience and reliability. The doors that diplomacy has opened could well become India’s windows to the world of global technology. As our capacities in the defence domain increase in tandem with an expanding footprint, these considerations will also be relevant when it comes to our own defence exports.

14. Utilizing diplomacy to achieve military objectives extends of course beyond issues of sourcing supplies and accessing technology. Today, our maritime domain awareness has been developed through partnerships with other nations. A combination of coastal radar surveillance systems, white shipping agreements, hydrographic cooperation and provision of equipment and training has given the SAGAR doctrine a very strong foundation. If the International Fusion Centre at Gurgaon has emerged as the region’s hub for maritime security, it is in no small measure due to the larger relationship that India has developed with the participating countries. A similar logic drives the range of military exercises that all three Indian Services undertake today with their foreign counterparts, bilaterally or plurilaterally. They too parallel the strategic convergences that have been developed through the use of multiple instruments and policies. These endeavours all contribute to greater regional and global stability and security, a goal as much of defence policy as it is of foreign policy.

15. Having brought that out, let me also recognize that it works the other way round as well. The military can be an extremely effective platform to advance diplomatic goals even in situations that are not conflict-related. In fact, in the last six years, few activities have done more than HADR operations to enhance India’s stature and credibility in the region. If we have developed a deserved reputation as a first responder, it is because we have done exactly that – in Yemen and Nepal in 2015, in Fiji in 2016, in Sri Lanka in 2016 and 2017, Bangladesh and Myanmar in 2017, Indonesia in 2018, Mozambique in 2018 and 2019, and most recently in Madagascar in 2020. These have been supplemented by initiatives to render medical assistance and provide essential supplies in our immediate and extended neighbourhood, including during the Covid period. In fact, even when it came to directly addressing Covid health challenges,it was our military health teams were dispatched to Kuwait, Maldives, Mauritius and to Comoros.

16. Beyond all that, of course, are peace-keeping operations that we have conducted under the UN flag virtually since independence. Our record of 51 out of 71 UN deployments – involving more than 2 lakh personnel - often in very difficult circumstances, is not only widely appreciated but has actually contributed, it has strengthen our credentials for the permanent membership of the UN Security Council. If the military training and support teams we have extended abroad have developed goodwill of partners, the policy dialogues and staff talks have strengthened the sense of convergence as well.

17. However laudable better coordination and stronger partnerships may be,and I have spoken about them in some length, they are still inadequate for the world that we now live in. The complexity of challenges that we face in our respective domains is as important to recognize as the mounting stakes that we have in insuring better outcomes. This is not just an issue for foreign, defence and I would say even national security policy, or even for Governments. In fact, the quest for greater integration to realize better value is as applicable to the business world and even our daily lives as it is to public policy. In the MEA, this has been a major focus of the changes that we have promoted and driven in the last six years. The objective is not only tighter in-house coordination but also a conscious effort to work more closely with other Ministries, I spoke of Defence, but others as well, and leverage capabilities and talents even beyond the Government. We have inducted officers from other services, established inter-departmental centres, utilized consultants and partnered think-tanks on high-profile dialogues. We see diplomacy today as much more than just negotiations between trained diplomats. It is as much about creating perceptions and shaping the public discourse. We are undertaking an ambitious set of development programs abroad. And again the pol-mil aspect of our activities is steadily increasing, as indeed is the mil-pol one. As a field-led model of diplomacy, utilizing our presence abroad as a bridge-head for bringing in additional activities. That is really what is today ourwell established SOP.

18. Defence has, no doubt, its own variant of change and the creation of the CDS was a notable landmark in that process. But ,you know, models and examples for such endeavours are naturally derived from the experiences of those who have undertaken the journey before us,. But, as our own record in MEA affirms, we have to customize our reform planning to our particular needs and constraints. Gen. Shekatkar, of course, knows very much more about this than most of us. But I am sure he would agree that as India undertakes the next generation of reforms and embraces greater atmanirbharta, the military cannot be left behind. It must do its own introspection and prepare to meet effectively the new sets of challenges that we can all see are coming our way.

19. The importance of stronger integration in matters of national security can of course never be overstated. If there was a big lesson from the 9/11 experience, it was that policy implementation was really undermined by siloed thinking and lack of coordination. In fact, this applies in equal measure even to policy formulation. Most nations, as they move up the global ladder, consequently tend to focus a lot on these aspects because that is for them one way of maximising their comprehensive national power. We have seen this earlier with US and Russia; today it is very much in evidence if China is concerned.Call it coordination, sharing, integration, jointness or in some caseseven fusion; that spectrum of coming together can make a huge difference. But if we are honest, we know that this is also a prescription easier made than practiced. For the reality of the world is one of distinct identities, vested interests, and set habits. Not just that, we should also accept that the era of generalists is increasingly behind us. The complexity of national security issues require serious specialization; and that also means it requires equally serious integration.

20. This is a subject close to my heart and I have actually spoken about iton earlier occasions as well. So even at the cost of repetition, I would like to emphasize the criticality of rapidly improving our current status on this count. Every step forward, while undoubtly it should be recognized as an achievement, but it should also be treated as the precursor for the next ones. We can have exemplary symbolic measures may be important; but in themselves we must understand they can often be inadequate. There has to be a sustained follow-up to institutionalize integration and an unending effort to foster the accompanying work culture. This is truly a journey where we can never afford to rest on our laurels. In India, we are all aware of the integration milestones in the national security domain, most notably the establishment of the institution of the NSA and its Secretariat. The Services are also progressing in their own way and their own pace towards stronger coordination. While I do recognize that this is not as easy as it sounds, it is nevertheless important that the scale and intensity of challenges mandate that we now go beyond half-way house solutions. This can also make a big contribution to the pressing task of optimal resource utilization. To overcome the constraints that all of us are familiar with, leveraging what exists more imaginatively is just as important as eliminating duplication. And both are possible only with better integration.

21. While this argument can be made probably from every perspective I guess on all domains, let me share with you how I see it today as Foreign Minister. To my mind, adequately securitizing foreign policy is for mean absolute imperative. And the primary reason for that is quite obvious: there are really very few major states that still have unsettled borders to the extent that we do. Of equal relevance is the unique challenge we face of years of intense terrorism inflicted on us by a neighbour. We also cannot disregard any attempts to undermine our national integrity and unity. Over and above these exceptional factors, there are the daily security challenges of long borders and large sea space.The thinking and planning of a polity that operates in such an uncertain environment naturally willgive primacy, should give primacy to hard security. Even the development of diplomatic skills will be shaped by the nature of this agenda. Where India strayed from that assumption in an earlier era, we have seen the costs to the nation. I accept that Multilateralism and global issues you know undoubtedly, they have their importance. But they can never come at the cost of core national interest.

22. Such realism may sometimes be mistakenly perceived as a defensive mindset. I believe that it is, in fact, a grounded one. As India expands its global interests and reach, there is an even more compelling case to focus on hard power. A larger responsibility – whether it be in maritime security, HADR or in peace-keeping , it does call for an updated understanding of the global situation. Encouraging our defence and security agencies to develop a better sense of the world is also necessary because of the vulnerabilities which are created by globalization. Whether it is at home or abroad, foreign policy cannot be conducted by any Foreign Ministry alone anymore . And the bigger you become, the more that comes your way, this logic iseven stronger. It is only through the osmosis of continuous interaction that diplomats will understand defence and security better,just as soldiers and intelligence will develop a good understanding of world politics.

23. Such a case can – indeed should – be made for other spheres as well. It is certainly our endeavour to make foreign policy more economic, more commercial, technological, digital, more focused on project delivery, more cultural, people-friendly. And each harmonization obviously offers the obvious gains in that particular domain. But they also underline what is today the expansion of the concept of power and its application. The world is more inter-penetrative and national frontiers are increasingly inadequate as a defence. Many activities that had only sectoral significance till now are getting politicized, sometimes I dare say even weaponized. Whether it is connectivity or trade, data or debt, tourism or education – all of them are emerging as instruments of influence, sometimes even of coercion. So, the bottomline is this: we live in an increasingly integrated world and unless our thinking matches that, as a nation we will be selling ourselves short.

24. Let me, in conclusion, thank FINS for the opportunity to share some of these thoughts with all of you today. We are in the midst of big change and that is best advanced through open and vigorous debate. This was very much the temperament of Manohar Parrikar ji. Our real homage to him would be to make our motherland stronger, more capable, modern and more secure.

Thank you for your attention.

New Delhi
December 13, 2020

Murder remains 'cheapest way' of silencing media ! 116 journos killed in India since 1990; Pak records 138

Why is it 'Risk-free' to kill journalists ? 

New Delhi:

"There is no single explanation as to why journalists are targeted, but one of the principal causes has always been wars and armed conflicts where journalists who report on them are exposed to injury, kidnapping or worse," says the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) in its latest report.



It further says during last 30 years, as many as 138 journalists were eliminated in Pakistan, 116 of them were killed in India and 110 in Russia. The report says 2658 scribes have been eliminated across the globe since 1990. The IFJ says, "In no less than 90 percent of journalist murders worldwide, there has been little or no prosecution whatsoever. In two-thirds of the cases the killers were not identified at all and probably never will be". 

In this context, it points out that "....it is almost virtually risk-free to kill a journalist – (and) murder has become the "easiest and cheapest way of silencing troublesome journalists". The report says in recent years a novel threat to journalists has emerged with the involvement of 'terrorist organisations'.


"The untold story, however, is the risk to local journalists as most of the murdered are local beat reporters whose names do not resonate in the media. In fact, nearly 75 percent of journalists killed around the world did not step on a landmine, or get shot in crossfire, or even die in a suicide bombing attack. 

They were instead murdered outright....," the report says. The report revealed that Iraq recorded 339 casualties between 1900 and 2020 followed by Mexico (175), Philippines (159), Pakistan (138), India (116), Russian Federation (110), Algeria (106), Syria (96), Somalia (93) and Afghanistan (93). The report clarified that in Afghanistan the casualty numbers 93 among journalists only reflect the aftermath of the US invasion in 2001. The link between deadly conflicts and a spike in the murders of journalists was also apparent in the civil war in Algeria which kicked off in 1993 and ended in 1996.

The bulk of the 106 killed journalists died in a short period of three years. "This was also the case of the war in Syria which started in 2011, and is still ongoing, resulting in 96 killed journalists over the last nine years".

"In its 2020 ranking per country, Mexico tops the list for the fourth time in five years with 13 killings, followed by Pakistan (5) while Afghanistan, India, Iraq and Nigeria recorded 3 killings each," the report says. The study also found many more cases of journalists who were detained for short periods of time before being released without charges, underscoring the fact that their detention had nothing to do with law-breaking but just sheer abuse of power to escape scrutiny for their actions in public office.

The other finding from the study concerns the recurrent allegation of membership of - or support for- groups which are behind the events which journalists cover. This is the case in Turkey, where scores of journalists have been detained after the failed attempted coup of July 2016 on allegations that they supported the coup.

Civil unrest and elections-related protests have also led to massive arrests of journalists and other media professionals. Reporting on the handling of crisis situations, like the outbreak of Covid-19, has also led to the arrest and detention of journalists in some countries. 

In one tragic case, a veteran Egyptian journalist, who was detained on  this spurious charge, contracted the virus while in custody and died there.

In many cases, the IFJ’s study found that numerous journalists have not been charged with any crime for years after their arrest, even decades for some who are now feared dead.

Blogger: Journalism is also playing cards well

ends 


Saturday, December 12, 2020

Unmaking of 'Mamata Phenomenon' : ‘Advantage BJP’ ?

The BJP leaders are aware of the pro-Leftist ‘Bengali mindset’, and thus they have drawn out a few specially worked out electoral strategies to capture the minds of voters. The BJP leaders are more talking about mundane issues - jobs, women safety, law and order chaos, development and industrialisation !!


New Delhi:  Some words turn prophetic in politics. Some years ago Congress leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury had said that while Mamata Banerjee had leadership quality, her arrogance and high-handedness would be the cause of her downfall.

This is perhaps a major factor that is working in favour of the BJP today in West Bengal. And of course, the saffron party leaders are not hiding the glee. It has certainly increased its base in the onetime Marxists’ bastion and in 2019 Lok Sabha polls, the BJP’s vote share had shot up to 40.64 percent.

West Bengal polity is certainly heading towards a summer of despair and hope and in this backdrop came BJP national president J P Nadda’s visit. Of course, the BJP has support among Hindu voters. Besides other factors like Mamata Banerjee’s supposed ‘arrogance’, her virtual freehand to nephew (Bhaipo) Abhishek and alleged corruption saga; Didi’s indiscriminate minority appeasement is a real game-changer.

The attack on Nadda's convoy is only a testimony to the changing dynamics of Bengal politics.

To many, a similar situation prevailed even five years back; but this time unlike 2016, the BJP is now the main competitor to Trinamool Congress’s popularity. The Congress and the Leftists are already marginalised and they could come together this time yet again. The pro-Mamata forces including the ‘secularism-smitten’ intellectuals may hope that that the Trinamool leadership has every reason to win a third consecutive term, others believe the ensuing assembly elections may throw up a major surprise.


As stated above, the reasons are many. In terms of credibility vis-a-vis corruption charges, nothing has affected Mamata’s image in a worse manner than the Saradha chit fund scam and Narada video tape expose. Many of her colleagues have been jailed and it is ironic that onetime an image of anti-Marxists’ force (Mamata) is today considered having turned herself into a more Leftist than the Left especially when it comes to pander the Muslims.

Thus Nadda has reasons when he said while Mamata regime allowed Eid celebrations and Muslim processions, it slapped restrictions on Durga puja and on August 5, 2020 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi had done Bhoomipujan at Ayodhya.

Muslims constitute around 30 per cent of the state's voters and can influence the outcome in 115 to 120 assembly segments. In 2019 polls, BJP wrested 12 seats from Trinamool kitty. There is understanding in political circles that the Muslim community had voted 'en masse' for Mamata’s party. 

There are certain personal tales in Mamata’s life and they provide interesting penetrating political points too. Mamata Banerjee was once admired by the likes of Congress veteran Siddharta Shankar Ray for her die-hard anti-Left politics. Mamata’s close aides would never hesitate to remind that at one point of time, she was a blue-eyed lady of two the then Prime Ministers P V Narasimha Rao and Atal Bihari Vajpayee.  


With the incumbent Prime Minister too, the initial efforts on the part of Modi were to have a good working relationship. The Prime Minister in his maiden Lok Sabha speech on June 11, 2014 addressed her as ‘Didi’ and lauded her good works, Mamata always remained a defiant leader.


Bengal watchers say she erred on two fronts. She kept her personal ambition at an unreasonable scale even refusing to meet the elected Prime Minister. She presumed opposing Modi for anything and everything under the sky would give her the leadership of ‘secular forces’. On the other hand, she started sidelining her senior colleagues and ‘mass level’ leaders like Sisir Adhikari and his son Suvendu and instead promoted the likes of Dinesh Trivedi and Derek-O’-Brien who developed close affinity with her ‘Bhaipo’ Abhishek Banerjee.

In her desperation to fight Modi, she started the game of hatred – a real dangerous sport in politics. In the process, she indulged in open carelessness and her party started encouraging Bangladeshi infiltrators. She allegedly started hating and insulting

Hindus and the Hindu culture resulting in people getting worried whether they could still celebrate Durga Puja.The words ‘Ram Dhanu’ and ‘Krishna Kali’ started irritating her. Urdu became her preferred language and our Didi almost turned into ‘aapa’.

The mix of political appeasement towards minorities, corruption and promotion of goondaism has yielded her temporary 

benefits. In the 2018 local elections, she banked heavily on violence and opposition candidates were even prevented to file nominations.

But once the Bengali voters could see through her machinations, they knew what to do. An overwhelming number of them have turned towards the BJP. This unnerved Didi further and she started making more mistakes and helping more consolidation in favour of the saffron party.

Analysts say this factor is not working for them in neighbouring Odisha as Naveen Patnaik has not done anything to displease Hindu voters. Many say, the saffron party leaders are aware of the pro-Leftist ‘Bengali mindset’, and thus they have drawn out a few specially worked out electoral strategies to capture the minds of voters.

The BJP leaders are more talking about mundane issues - jobs, women safety, law and order chaos, development and industrialisation. And as of now these are making sense !


Ends



Thursday, December 10, 2020

Great Game North East: India & China get 'exposed' to each other

New Delhi: As armed forces in India and China are more often engaged in eyeball to eyeball contacts and confrontation along the border, there is a need to appreciate the fact that both the Asian giants are now exposed to each other as never before.


There is a sudden growing significance of Asia and South Asia in international and global geopolitics.

The recent developments not only highlights border skirmishes. In effect the row is deeper. In all these, the northeast of India will have an importance of its own. If India's opening up of the strategies under the Look East Policy and later the Act East Policy make the northeast of India the 'gateway' to the East; it goes without saying that the northeastern region also has come under direct strategic radar of Beijing.

What do the new changes mean ?

In geographic sense, the Himalayas had kept China and India "walled" from each other. But the world has changed. The dense forests are getting cut down, difficult terrains and rough roads would be soon replaced by superhighways and even insurgencies getting crushed.

Thus, the great frontiers - one knew - have vanished.


There is now an unprecedented connection among the three billion plus people of Southeast Asia and the Far East. This is perhaps the first time in recent history. According to a former Nagaland Minister, Thomas Ngullie, "Even the long-held view that northeast India is a landlocked region is undergoing change. That means totally new economic, social and political lines may emerge".

As we take note of this statement, we know the Look East Policy pushed by New Delhi initially, was actually conceptualised as a maritime orientation. But as India expanded the engagements with the ASEAN members, for obvious reasons the importance of the northeast as a 'land bridge' has increased manifold.
In view of these developments, it is imperative to note what would be the importance of ongoing Peace Parleys with northeast militants by the Government of India including the Nagas. 

Therefore, from New Delhi's point of view vis-a-vis the northeast India and vulnerable states like Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, the security experts have now decided to work in tandem with the catalysts of development.

"It is time all stakeholders including Naga or ULFA militant leaders understand that the northeast India's economy will increasingly get merged with the Asian and the larger global economy," said an official in the know of things.


Therefore, there is a need to appreciate that once the multiple connectivity projects are built and become key trading routes; there will be a need to 'protect' the economic corridors and other infra assets.

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That way, the Government of India and its ministries like Commerce and DoNER (specially dedicated to the northeast India) are now working in coordination with various agencies so that the northeast region could well emerge as the 'regional supply chain' of the manufacturing industries.

In other words, the Government of India has told concerned players in states such as Nagaland and Manipur that the northeast region needs to make sure that it does not remain only a 'transit route' but an active participant in the process of development and transition.

Naga leaders admit that the opening up of Myanmar has "brought up" new opportunities and there will be possibly healthy competition to ensure 'influence' in this vital Southeast Asian nation and other neighbours.


The India-Myanmar-Thailand Highway is a major project in terms of ambitions for the entire region.

This highway's Imphal-Moreh portion on the Indian side has run slow and is expected to be completed only by 2023. Two decades ago, this transnational highway connectivity was envisaged to enable trade from India to the other ASEAN nations.

Some years back, strategists have also given importance to Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) forum. But somehow, no much headway was made on this. India's participation has been always described as 'camouflaged' - mostly represented by think tank participants instead of official representatives.


One reason cited for New Delhi's skepticism is India’s Northeast has been an insurgency-hit region, and suspicions of foreign interference were paramount.

There is also fear of exploitation of the rich natural resources and biodiversity of the Himalayas and opening of scope for greater Chinese involvement in the region.

No wonder, the last BCIM Forum was held in Myanmar in 2015. 
But in the ultimate analysis, the importance of northeast India ad countries like Myanmar have certainly increased manifold in the geopolitical calculus of great powers.


ends 


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