BJP challenges Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge to say, 'Yeh khushion ki Diwali aa gayi' during Eid :::: "Kharge is remote-controlled ... a battery by Sonia Gandhi, a finger of Rahul Gandhi"

On Congress chief Mallikarjun Kharge's Diwali-Eid remark, BJP national spokesperson Gaurav Bhatia said:

"Is the Congress party's character, its DNA, now to change the identity of Hindu festivals? Crores of Hindus are hurt by this communal appeasement statement by Mallikarjun Kharge. 

If this is appropriate, then I challenge Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge to say, 'Yeh khushion ki Diwali aa gayi' when Eid comes this time...".   

"A campaign is ongoing in the Congress party. When Muslims celebrate Bakrid, sacrificial slaughtering of goats is done; blood flows and mixes with water. 

It leads to water pollution. But no Congress leader ever said a word about it. Bollywood celebrities remember during Diwali that it causes air pollution...

Rashid Alvi should tell these Bollywood celebrities that be it air pollution or water pollution or noise pollution - all of it is bad. But they do selective outrage."  

Gaurav Bhatia also said:  "...This is the DNA of the Congress party - 

one, indulge in blatant appeasement of the Muslim class, second; even during a festival that is a festival of joy, happiness, inclusiveness, hurt these sentiments of the Hindu community. 

"Mallikarjun Kharge is the remote-controlled national president of Congress; a battery by Sonia Gandhi, a finger of Rahul Gandhi. 

Whatever statement Mallikarjun Kharge makes, he is actually furthering the anti-Hindu, anti-Sanatana mindset of Rahul Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi in his own words."

ends 

India’s military history is not merely a record of wars fought and victories won :::: Nature of military force in global affairs has changed in last seven-eight decades

A recent 'festival' opened with a session on the Garhwal Rifles, featuring Lieutenant General Syed Ata Hasnain, Governor of Bihar, and Lieutenant General Dinesh Rana. Other sessions explored the Corps of Engineers, Operation Safed Sagar during the 1999 Kargil conflict, the shared military heritage of India and Britain, soldiers’ families and military medicine. 

A Northern Theatre Command focused on China would be based in Lucknow, while a Western Theatre Command responsible for Pakistan would be based in Jaipur. 

A Maritime Theatre Command in Thiruvananthapuram would oversee India’s interests across the Indian Ocean. The three commands are expected to be led by army, air force and navy officers, respectively.

Gaurav Kumar, a researcher at the United Service Institution of India, a defence think tank, said that the apparent coordination between Islamabad and Beijing during Operation Sindoor was one of the primary reasons the plan had regained momentum, referring to India’s military strikes against Pakistan in response to the killing of 26 civilians in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir last year.

A conversation on women officers in the Samudra Pradakshina and Navika Sagar Parikrama sailing expeditions highlighted changing opportunities across the three services.

The maritime dimension took centre stage on the second day, with naval historian Commodore (Dr) Srikant B. Kesnur (Retd) moderating two sessions that tied the Navy’s history to its present priorities. The first, ‘Indian Navy’s Indigenisation Journey - Past, Present, and Future’, featured Vice Admiral B Sivakumar, Chief of Materiel, and Rear Admiral Sujit Baxi, Director General, Warship Design Bureau, among others. 

It examined the shift from foreign suppliers towards indigenous ship design, domestic production and closer partnerships with Indian industry. The central question was not how many warships India can build, but how effectively it can design, develop, maintain and upgrade the technologies that sustain maritime strength, from secure supply chains to distant deployments.

The second, ‘1946-1971: Uprising to Risen’, traced the 1946 Royal Indian Navy uprising, when Indian ratings challenged colonial authority, and the missile-boat operations against Karachi in the 1971 war. Vice Admiral Anup Singh (Retd), maritime historian Swaroop Anand and defence journalist Sandeep Unnithan were among the speakers. The two episodes sketched a navy’s journey from the final years of colonial rule to a more confident maritime force. Three naval titles were released during the Future Ready Navy segment: Kesnur’s. 

The War in the Indian Ocean (Sabre and Quill); Captain (IN) N S Mohan Ram’s A Builder’s Navy: The Long Road to Self-sufficiency in Warship Design; and Commodore Pramod R Kulkarni’s Warship Design and its Management: A Systems Engineering Perspective. They link naval history, indigenous shipbuilding and design management to India’s maritime ambitions.

The wider strategic context came from Chief of the Naval Staff Admiral Krishna Swaminathan, who placed the maritime domain at the centre of India’s economic growth, national security and strategic interests as the country moves towards Viksit Bharat 2047. He identified four changes shaping the maritime environment: intensifying competition around shipping routes and chokepoints; the growing influence of non-state actors and commercial entities; the expansion of the domain from the seabed to outer space, with greater surveillance and transparency; and wider access to technologies such as drones, artificial intelligence and satellite imagery.  

India’s military history is not merely a record of wars fought and victories won. 

It is also a story of institutional evolution, strategic adaptation and lessons that continue to shape the country’s defence preparedness. That larger perspective defined the fourth Indian Military Heritage Festival (IMHF) 2026, which concluded in New Delhi on October 31. Organised by the United Service Institution of India’s (USI) Centre for Military History and Conflict Studies on October 30-31, it brought together military leadership, veterans, historians, authors, academics and strategic affairs experts to take military history beyond specialist circles and into wider public conversation, through panels, book launches and a tri-service exhibition. 

In his opening address, Vice Admiral Sanjay Jasjit Singh (Retd), Director General, USI, noted that what began in 2023 has grown into a signature event of the institution. He pointed to USI’s library of around 72,000 books and an archive that includes an original copy of the document relating to the 1971 surrender. 

The reference mattered: original documents, institutional records and personal accounts are the evidence through which battles and commemorations can be examined and passed on.  

Disruptions at sea, he stressed, do not stay at sea. They can affect energy supplies, food and fertiliser availability, trade and supply chains, and eventually reach households and businesses on land. For a country so dependent on seaborne trade, naval preparedness is part of economic security. 

The Navy’s response is to modernise its force, review operational doctrines and strengthen indigenous technological and industrial capabilities. Conventional platforms will remain the foundation of maritime power, while unmanned and autonomous systems add flexibility and scale. Self-reliance, he said, must extend beyond manufacturing to designing, maintaining, repairing and upgrading critical systems at home.  

India has leveraged military diplomacy in its external relations almost since Independence, by virtue of its inheriting a large, professional military force from the British Raj, by its size, and by its projection of itself as a leader of the post-colonial world. 

But the increasing demand and appeal of military diplomacy in recent years will require devoting considerably greater resources, manpower, and equipment towards several kinds of activities. 

These include foreign officer training and education, high-visibility military visits abroad, and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR) efforts outside India. 

More than resources, improved military diplomacy will require much closer cooperation between the services, between India’s military and civilian leadership, and between the Ministry of Defence and Ministry of External Affairs.

Other discussions reinforced that military history must inform present-day thinking, among them the integration of princely-state forces after Independence and the institutionalisation of jointmanship through HQ IDS and the Andaman and Nicobar Command. The fourth edition of IMHF made a case for treating military heritage as a living national resource. 

The value of studying the 1946 naval uprising, the 1971 operations, the Kargil conflict or the evolution of indigenous warship design lies not only in remembering what happened, but in understanding how institutions adapt to changing strategic circumstances.

ends 

Bulldozer, now made in Kolkata !! :::::: "But this time the Govt took a very strong step" .... ::: Rape-Murder accused dies In Raiganj Police firing :::: Fourth Encounter In five months In West Bengal

On an encounter of an accused in the rape and murder of a minor in West Bengal’s Raiganj, 

State Minister Shankar Ghosh says, "I already told you that, in case of the previous government, we have seen several cases against the women. They were tortured and brutally murdered, but nothing happened. 

But this time the government took a very strong step regarding the crime against women... I already mentioned that the situation of the encounter should be evaluated first, and after that we can come to a conclusion, if any is there. 

So, an investigation is mandatory for this."  

Suvendu : West Bengal emulating Yogi's "Bulldozer model" against rapists 

Accused Dilip Roy had been fleeing since the body of a minor girl was recovered from Kulik Forest in Raiganj on November 5.  

A fourth encounter was reported in Raiganj in West Bengal's North Dinajpur district on Sunday night. The prime accused in the rape and murder of a minor girl, Dilip Roy, was shot dead while trying to escape to Bihar.

Panchayat and Rural Development Minister Dilip Ghosh said, 

"If anyone acts against the law or takes the law into their own hands, they will inevitably face the police. In certain situations, the police are compelled to take such an action. We must ensure that such incidents do not escalate. Everyone is expected to abide by the law."

This is the fourth encounter in the state in the last five months since the BJP government came to power. 

Earlier two rape suspects and one murder suspect were killed during police encounters in Baruipur, Gaighata and Shamsherganj.

On July 5, Prabhas Mondal, accused in the rape and murder of a minor girl in Baruipur in South 24 Parganas, was shot dead during police encounter. 

In October, Prahlad Das (23), also arrested in connection with the sexual assault and murder of a minor schoolgirl in Gaighata in North 24 Parganas, was killed in encounter.

On the same day, murder suspect Samiun Sheikh, who was in CID custody in Samsherganj in Murshidabad district, also died during an encounter.

According to the police, Dilip allegedly opened fire at the police team when the latter arrived at the village to arrest him. Police shot him in self-defence, leaving Dilip injured. He was taken to Raiganj Medical Hospital, where doctors declared him dead.

On November 5, the decomposed body of a 13-year-old girl was recovered from the Kulik Forest in the Abdulghata area of ​​Raiganj. Post-mortem revealed that she had been raped before being murdered.

The prime suspect, Dilip Roy, a neighbour, had fled the area and was hiding for the last three days. Police received a tip-off that he was hiding in the Gauri Gram Panchayat area and launched a raid. "Upon spotting Dilip, the police team ordered him to stop, but he opened fire. One of the shots hit a police vehicle and the team was compelled to open fire in self-defence," an official said.

Local residents said Dilip was a notorious criminal, accused of several criminal activities in the past and complaints had been filed against him at the Raiganj police station on multiple occasions.

The encounter has drawn mixed reactions with some people terming it as a befitting punishment for a heinous crime, arguing that such action would instill fear in criminals and make them think twice before committing similar acts. 

However, others argue that such encounters are unacceptable in a civilised society and question the purpose of the legal and judicial system if the police are to simply shoot and kill individuals.

ends 

"We have to fulfil people's hopes, make our country big and enrich people's lives" - RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat

RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat says, "Consider that in the current circumstances in the country and across the world, one needs to lead a similar life. The world has its eyes on our country in this context. 

"Whatever position we might be in over the happenings around the world, however we might view our position, the world has its hopes pinned on us. 

"We have to fulfil those hopes, make our country big and enrich our lives. If all three of these tasks are to be done, we have to lead a life - the examples of such lives and the results of such lives are before us...".  

At the inauguration of the newly constructed auditorium at the renovated headquarters of Nagpur Nagrik Sahakari Bank Limited, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat says, 

"...In the '30s, when an attempt to impose the first ban on the Sangh was made -in the Assembly of Central Province- there was no Swayamsevak to defend the Sangh; there was no one supporting the Sangh ideology either. There was one Mr Ibrahim who spoke in support of Sangh - that Sangh should not be shut down, that it is not communal."

He said, "I believe that those who say Hindustan is 'Hindu Rashtra' should be sent to a mental hospital. I know Dr Hedgewar; he is not mental; he is a good person. So, Sangh cannot be communal." 

It had been a few years since the formation of Sangh. It wasn't well-known, but everyone knew Dr Hedgewar...When Sangh began, Swayamsevak became its identity. 

Even today, after 100 years, Swayamsevak is Sangh's identity."

"The Gandhi family, it seems, are not done just yet" ::::: 'The Guardian' article on Sonia Gandhi and her book talks about "calamitous decline" of Congress party ... It also says "BJP’s Hindutva has become the country’s dominant political ideology"

"While Sonia Gandhi was once credited with reviving the fortunes of Congress, over the past decade the Gandhi family have overseen its calamitous decline. Their previous government, in power till 2014, was marred by allegations of rampant corruption," says the article in 'The Guardian', London.

"(“In almost every single instance, the ministers resigned,” is Gandhi’s defence.) After taking over from his mother, Rahul lost the last three general elections to Modi, and Congress remains in power in only a few states. Meanwhile, the BJP’s Hindutva has become the country’s dominant political ideology. 

As the family has maintained its control, Congress has been unable to shake off allegations that it is nepotistic and run by political elites.

"Throughout her memoir, Gandhi is open about her distrust of politics, describing it as “menacing”, driven by “ambition, greed and hypocrisy”. 

But with Congress facing an existential threat and looking likely to fracture, Gandhi succumbed to mounting pressure and agreed to become its president in 1998. It was a decision, she says, driven by a sense of duty to her lost husband. Not only did she have to fight against her own ingrained shyness, she also had to take on political opponents in Hindi, her third language.

She insists she never had political ambition. Despite helping the party to win the most votes in the 2004 election, she shocked everyone by refusing to become prime minister. “It was clear in my mind I would never do it,” she says. “It was just not me.” Nonetheless, until she stepped back from the day-to-day of Congress leadership a few years ago, she had little time for herself. 

"She would carry books to political events, history and autobiographies, to read on the way home. Music, both Indian classical and European operas, also became her solace. Having previously studied art restoration, “once in a while, I would slip away to an art exhibition”. 

'The Guardian' South Asia correspondent Hannah Ellis-Petersen, says:  

"Why can’t Congress free itself from the Gandhi family’s leadership, I ask? 

She (Sonia) is dismissive, perhaps a nerve touched. “You would have to ask the party,” she says. 

Sonia also skates over the question of nepotism, simply saying,

“We all fight elections: we win them, we lose them. All of us have". 

But after so many losses, can a Gandhi-led Congress still be a credible alternative to the BJP? While she is adamant they can, many in the country remain unconvinced.  

It is true that we are meeting at an interesting moment, for both Modi and the bruised opposition. As gen Z youth erupted on to the streets in protest against the government over the summer – satirically calling themselves the “Cockroaches” after an online joke transformed into a serious political movement – the long-crushed space for dissent has opened up.

In recent weeks, young Indians have once again been taking to the streets against the government, despite being met with draconian state force. The question of whether they can shake the BJP’s grip on power remains to be seen; so far, the Cockroach movement has kept its distance from the opposition alliance. But “what encourages me is young people are coming out and demonstrating,” Gandhi says. “With determination, they’re calling out the government on things that are not right. I feel like this is a real shift.”

"Congress, too, has become more energised than it has been for many years. Images of Rahul and Priyanka being manhandled by police as they tried to protest against the government have gone viral in recent weeks. After once pleading with her children to stay out of politics, Gandhi now says, “It’s good that they’re there. Now more than ever before.” 

The Gandhi family, it seems, are not done just yet.

ends 

"After SIR, there has been an increase of 1.65 per cent of Muslim voters in Uttar Pradesh," says Yogi ::::: If Yogi's prediction of winning 80 per cent of seats holds, NDA may secure 320 seats

In the run up to the high-stakes Uttar Pradesh assembly elections, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has challenged Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav to demand 'total revoke' of SIR in the state. 

In an interview to a TV channel, he said Yadav will not do so because following SIR exercise there has been an increase of 1.65 per cent of Muslim voters. In contrast, 1.27 crore Hindu voters names have been deleted. Therefore, he said, a memorandum has been submitted to the Election Commission to take necessary corrective measures. "We also want to know why these things could happen",  he said. 

"I am talking about 1.27 crore Hindu voters whose names are there in the roll for panchayat polls; but the names have been deleted in the EC roll".  

"Yeh kaisey hue haen, kaun iskey peechhey tha (How did all these happen; and who was behind this)," Yogi wondered. He further explained that there are 55 lakh Hindu voters whose names were there in the roll and they got all the benefits of state Govt's welfare measures but now their names have been deleted. 

There are about 4.5 lakh voters in the age group of 18 and 19 years and their names too have been dropped. 

Answering a question, he said the state Govt has nothing to do with the SIR exercise. "EC is an autonomous constitutional body," he said. 

"We have requested the poll panel to consider putting these names back in the electoral roll. In UP, the SIR was a necessity certainly," the chief minister said adding, the names of those who expired should be deleted. There were 46 lakh names who had died during the period. 

"But others should be there .... You are depriving Hindus and especially the infiltrators from Bangladesh and Pakistan are being allowed.... These people (opposition) are doing just the opposite. They are saying Hindu names should be deleted and Bangladeshis and Pakistanis should be there," Yogi said.  

"I am confident the deleted names (of Hindus) will be restored again," he said.      

Yogi expressed confidence that the BJP-led NDA would secure a decisive mandate in the state, predicting that the ruling coalition would win "80 per cent of the votes as well as seats".

The remaining 20 per cent would go to the Opposition, he emphasised.  "I have said multiple times that we are fighting an 80-20 battle. The BJP and its alliance partners will get 80 per cent of the votes, and the rest will go to the Opposition. The same equation will be reflected in the number of seats as well," Yogi Adityanath said.  

Uttar Pradesh has 403 Assembly seats. If Yogi's prediction of winning 80 per cent of the seats holds, the NDA should secure approximately 320 seats, leaving the remaining 80-83 seats for the Opposition.

In 2017, the alliance won 325 seats, with the BJP alone accounting for 312 seats. However, its tally declined in the 2022 Assembly elections, when the NDA secured 273 seats, including 255 won by the BJP. 

In other words, the Lotus party has set a target of 300 plus seats. 

ends 

What others said about L K Advani -- "unlike Vajpayee, he is not very open ..." ::::: "He never thrust anything, religion, Hinduism, any ideology down our throats" ::::: "Advani ji kabhi jhoot nahi bolte"

In course of traveling with him in BSF aircraft to northeast, L K Advani had told some of us how the success of regional parties like the TDP, the AGP and various Lok Dal groups had encouraged him (Advaniji) to believe that there was a ‘big vacuum’ as people were looking for genuine alternative to the Congress”.

Now, that’s political vision for you! And his disciple Narendra Modi is only precisely harping on the same point in circa 2014. 

That's the essential -- "spirit of Congress mukt Bharat"

The lesson: a disciple only carries on the legacy of his Guru’s vision.

Lalu Prasad and Advani - "after arrest" 

On Nov 9, 2019 -- after the verdict on Ram Temple -- L K Advani had said : 

"I stand vindicated, and feel deeply blessed, that the Supreme Court has given its unanimous verdict paving the way for the construction of a magnificent temple for Lord Ram at Ramjanmabhoomi in Ayodhya."

Advani and Jyoti Basu 

Here we try to look at some comments from various leaders on L K Advani 

"Advani ji kabhi jhoot nahi bolte (Advani would not say something if it is not true)," - Mulayam Singh Yadav.  

"True, the BJP under the leadership of L K Advani has grown. By pursuing the Hindu fundamental line, the party feels it will grow into a major national alternative," -- Vasant Sathe.   

"He never thrust anything, religion, Hinduism, any ideology down our throats. Just books. Science books about animals. That's because he loves reading." -- Prathiba Advani (his daughter in 1990)  

"I may not agree with some of his views, but I can say that even on issues we differ, I find his exposition and interpretation very persuasive and sharp". - Madhu Dandavate 

V P Singh, H S Surjeet and Advani 

Syed Shahbuddin, chairman of Babri Masjid Action Committee, used to criticise him ...:  "Advani harps on minorityism and pampering. When Muslims gets slaughtered in Meerut, is that minorityism ? When they are butchered in Bhagalpur, is that pampering?" 

Political Shenanigans and commentaries ::::  

'India Today' on March 31, 1990 issue reported :  "His (Advani's) attitude towards V P Singh and Janata Dal continues to be Vive La Difference. And Advani is determined to resist pressure that would in any way destabilise the (National Front) Govt".  

Many senior journalists who covered him would know --- one book that greatly influenced L K Advani has been 'How to win friends and influence people' by Dale Carnegie. 

Advani also used to share an anecdote to caution politicians as well as journalists to stay away non essential messy things in politics. 

The story goes - one English professor once found a note at home left by his daughter -- "I am in love with our chauffeur and I am runing away with him".  

More than getting "unhappy"; the professor was angry and said : "I am a professor of English and my daughter could not spell the word RUNNING properly".  

That's one part of L K Advani.  And he would always say - while Atal Bihari Vajpayee had such a good sense of humour; I was a "rukha sukha (dry)" personality.  

Ends