Wednesday, May 1, 2019

Trinamool and BJP - sourness is at peak for friends-turned-foes


Purulia, West Bengal, May 1 

The maxim ‘Nothing is permanent except Change’ seems to work well for the BJP and the Trinamool Congress.The ‘mutual bitterness’ towards one another by top Trinamool Congress and BJP leaders show that the battle of Bengal in 2019 between the two is truly acerbic.But in retrospective, both were allies.Thus, the sourness is certainly at peak for friends-turned-foes!

Not long ago, during 1998 parliamentary polls – hardly a year after its formation, the Trinamool Congress had helped BJP get a toehold in the erstwhile ‘Lal Durg’ - red forte.


BJP and Trinamool Congress had picked up eight seats with a combined vote share of 34.63 per centas the communists' ideology and perceived Bengali temperament for the Left principles almost paled into insignificance in many areas.



Tapan Sikdar made it as a BJP nominee from Dum Dum humbling CPI-M veteran Nirmal Kanti Chatterjee by a convincing margin of 1.36 lakh votes.
The BJP’s vote share made a quantum leap from 6.85 per cent to above 10 per cent though 13 of its other candidates had to bite the dust.Thus if today, the Congress or the Left parties blame Mamata Didi for showing the saffron party the ‘gate way’ to enter Bengal, they have good reasons. That year – the Congress vote share had nosedived to 15.2 per cent leaving them only one seat from West Bengal for legendary ABA Ghani Khan Chowdhury.

Ms Banerjee herself made a mark for herself emerging as a key regional leader and making it to union cabinet. Trinamool vote share was 24.43 taking almost two-thirds of the Congress vote and Mamata Banerjee’s candidates snatched six from Congress kitty and one from Forward Bloc to make a seven ‘win’ out of 21 candidates it fielded.

Forward Bloc lost the crucial Barasat seat – held by Chitta Basu since 1977 to Ranjit Panja, elder brother of Ajit Panja.



A former Union Minister Ajit Panja returned safe from Calcutta North East – but on Trinamool ticket.
The alliance between Mamata Banerjee-led party and the saffron party continued in two subsequent elections in 1999 and 2004.

In 1999, Trinamool Congress vote share was 26.04 and it secured eight 8 seats while BJP won two seats. The BJP vote share increased marginally to 11.13 per cent and Mamata's party had polled 26.04 per cent.

Winning 10 seats was no small achievement for the Trinamool-BJP combine, but in 2004, the Left emerged the ‘right’ - the correct party or the one acceptable to the people of Bengal. And that changed all the friendship.

Mamata could only ensure her victory from the state and she was convinced that alliance with the BJP especially after 2002 Gujarat mayhem had spoiled her game.

“That marked the beginning of her drift towards minority appeasement politics,” says a local educationist Tushar Bhadra.


He, however point out that prior to that in 2000, Trinamool won the Kolkata Municipal Corporation elections. In the 2001 state assembly elections, Trinamool entered in a pact with Congress and dumped BJP in the state to win 60 seats in the state Assembly polls.


Old timers in Purulia and in Birbhum recall that BJP’s ‘refugee’ politics as underlined in its National Register of Citizens (NRC) in 2019 was a time-tested card even in previous elections.


“I do not buy the line that Mamata Banerjee had singularly helped BJP made entry into Bengal politics in 1998. In fact in 1991 itself, long before Mamata came out of Congress, the BJP undercurrent was visible in Nadia, Murshidabad and West Dinajpur,” says Birhum-based social worker Tasleem Khan.

Endorsing him, in Purulia, a former teacher Amalendu Chakraborty said, “The BJP initially made their presence felt in 1991 in Murshibabad and West Dinajpur largely owing to its ability to woo the support of Bengali ‘refugee’ population”.


In fact, in 1991, the BJP vote share jumped from 1.67 per cent to 11.66 per cent and in many places in vulnerable north Bengal seats, the Lotus party came runners up to the CPI-M.

Notably from the electoral strategy, it was that year, the BJP had roped in two celebrities actor Victor Banerjee fielding and muscleman Manohor Aich fielding and making both to contest. Of course, both had lost the polls.

Those were the days when legendary Marxist Jyoti Basu's hold over the state prevailed and the CPI-M vote share was 35.99 per cent and the Left parties in total had won as many as 37 seats from West Bengal.

Move over ‘Gatbandhan', Mamata brought destruction in Bengal, says Cong


Purulia, West Bengal, Apr 30 (UNI)  The electioneering atmosphere in this township of West Bengal is surcharged with talk of violence.

In last one year, in major incidents three BJP workers were killed, their bodies hung on trees and scores were injured.

Electioneering is also often punctuated with ''anti-Pakistan'' slogans as locals have great admiration for men in uniform – the forces. The saffron party believes there is a strong ‘pro Narendra Modi wave’.

In contrast, the Trinamool Congress leaders and supporters say the ‘mood’ is in favour of Mamata Didi (Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee).

The protagonists among the Communists block also do not remain silent either.

“Development is something that always has takers in our constituency,” says Niloy Mukherjee, CPI-M district general secretary.

However, the Congress version is slightly different. The party nominee Nepal Mahato, sitting legislator from Baghmundi blames Mamata Banerjee regime for bringing in “biporjoy (utter failure and destruction)” in the life of Bengalis.

For Congress the issue here is ‘non performance’ of Trinamool dispensation and corruption.

“Besides corruption related to Sharada, Narada and Rose Valley, the entire political and administrative set up is clouded by Syndicate, extra constitutional toll taxes and Coal and Sand Mafia. The crisis is huge,” he says.

He readily endorses the BJP charge that several saffron party workers have been attacked by Didi’s party men. “The reason is money, illegal earning and mafia involvement,” he says.

Other Congress leaders also say that not only Purulia, even in the rest of the state there is a virtual ‘police raj’.
“They have created a dangerous thing called police volunteers. This is dangerous because it gives legitimacy to goondaism of Trinamool Congress,” says Jishu Das, a local Congress supporter.

On the other hand, he cites hospitals, schools and other local administration departments – each place is ‘under staffed’.

“At the state level we can say about 70 per cent of office positions in bureaucracy at the middle and lower levels are vacant. The state apparently does not have finance to fund the salaries. The administration has either collapsed or is standstill. But the Chief Minister is going around claiming votes in the name of development,”  says Mr Mahato.


Even as the Trinamool Congress has strong presence and BJP improved its vote share in last year’s panchayat polls, the Congress too has its bastions.

Assembly segment wise break ups under the parliamentary constituency, the Purulia Assembly seat in 2016 was won by Sudip Kumar Mukherjee of Congress and Nepal Mahato (also Congress) had won from Baghmundi.

The remaining four Assembly seats Manbazar, Joypur, Balarampur and Para were won by Trinamool Congress.

Hence, without doubt BJP faces an uphill task and Congress cannot be underestimated either.
A large number of citizens say BJP has an advantage for Lok Sabha polls.

Pandit Rajesh Tiwari of Dorji Para in Purulia says, “As far as Lok Sabha polls are concerned, there is pro-Modi wave”.

The Congress knows it has support base and thus it can fight it out well in Purulia.

However, it is also true that in the event there is a pro-Modi mood – at least in popular perception, there is an apprehension that a ‘large number of Congress workers and supporters’ may shift allegiance to the saffron party.

Prime Minister Modi’s hardliner nationalist image, of course, will be a factor on this.

However, a retired school teacher Amalendu Mukherjee dismisses such contentions and maintains that the Trinamool Congress will retain the seat quite easily.

Battle of Bengal: BJP chief Dilip Ghosh may emerge Man of the Moment


New Delhi, Apr 29 (UNI) Most of the faceless BJP workers and district level and rural leaders have high appreciation for Dilip Ghosh these days with the refrain being the saffron party could have benefited earlier too with him in the citadel of power as state unit chief.

A former RSS in-charge of Andaman and Nicobar Islands and a successful organiser, Ghosh calls himself  'ekti chasar chheley' (a farmer’s son)’.

To his party workers, he is highly acclaimed for his candid approach to politics and for calling spade a spade notwithstanding the brickbats from detractors.

“He is a befitting answer to Trinamool Congress goondaism,” says Durgapur-based BJP Intellectual cell chief Amitava Banerjee.

Mr Ghosh is hardly apologetic about his frank outburst. “I speak what I feel and perhaps that is the answer and the language Trinamool Congress understands it well”.

In the past from time to time, Ghosh has courted controversies for remarks like – Our party workers ‘trained’ by RSS can break shoulders of Trinamool workers with bare hands.

Mr Ghosh was again in the midst of severe criticism when he mocked at two actresses-turned Trinamool candidates for Lok Sabha polls Mimi Chakroborty and Nusrat Jahan.

Recently he took on the CPI-M-led Left parties also. After one senior communist leader commented that the Modi government has forced ‘hardships’ on people, Mr Ghosh countered it in his characteristic style.

“Those people who have been forced to pay up tax under GST will be definitely unhappy. Those who lost cash during demonetisation, those who lost power they will be certainly unhappy. If  Narendra Modi comes back, these will be more and eitai vidhir likhon (This is destiny’s truth),” he said tongue-in-cheek manner.

Three phases of polls are over and some key south Bengal seats are going to the polls on Monday.

For obvious reasons, now, all eyes are on the outcome of the voting for 42 crucial seats in West Bengal on May 23.
Again – he has able to take the battle into the enemy camp leaving Trinamool leaders akin to tigers and tigresses leaking their wounds.

For his part, BJP state unit chief and candidate from Medinipur says - “Mamata Banerjee will not be able to digest it, but of the ten seats in first three phases, the Trinamool will draw a blank. We are winning at least seven to eight seats”.

All BJP leaders may not share his optimism.


But there is no denial that Ghosh’s mannerism and way of speaking have often kept the spirit of the party Karyakartas – often battered and at the receiving end of violence – high.

A key party leader in Purulia says, “Importantly in intra-political matters within the party, he is trusted by BJP chief Amit Shah and key central leaders like Kailash Vijayvargiya”.

In fact, a committed RSS foot soldier from the age of 20 – rare among Bengalis of his era - Ghosh was appointed as state BJP president in December 2015 – months before 2016 state Assembly elections. His appointment was hailed as the coming of a ‘tiger’.

A skilled hand in ‘organising things’, he had won 2016 Assembly polls defeating Congress leader Gyan Singh Sohanpal.

Durgapur BJP leader Amitava Banerjee told UNI, “Dilip da has unique experience of working as a lieutenant of former RSS chief K S Sudarshan. His victory from Kharagpur during a supposed Mamata wave was unique and special as Congress MLA Sohanpal had won the Kharagpur Sadar Assembly seat for seven times in a row from 1982 to 2011. He broke the myth that he was a new comer”.

In fact, due to his Nagpur connections – most BJP leaders if not all including celebrity stars take him seriously.

On the ground, local BJP supporters also credit the 54-year-old state BJP president  for spearheading the Rath Yatra campaign in West Bengal and that really had galvanised party workers in a unity of purpose.

Many still remember his one liner given to TV channels, “Nothing would stop the BJP Rath Yatra to establish democracy in Bengal”.

Local party workers said in Jangipur and Murshidabad that it was Ghosh along with fellow compatriots like Mukul Roy who insisted with the central leadership that Muslim candidates would send right signals.

Of course, the detractors do not buy the line. But there is candid admission even by CPI(M) leaders in Durgapur that the saffron party’s vote share will increase.

“It is true, the BJP has made inroads in Durgapur region and places like Malda and Murshidabad,” says Durgapur CPI-M secretary Biprendu Chakraborty.

There are also on ground political reality. In Bahrampur and Malda North , the CPM-led Left Front has not fielded any candidate and to make the battle more intense Trinamool Congress has fielded former aides of Adhir Chowdhury in two of the three seats in the district.

In Medinipur too, Mamata Banerjee has been cautious and therefore fielded an old Congress hand Manas Bhuiyan.

Ghosh has been tactful while talking about Mr Bhuiyan and calls him a ‘senior and experienced man’ – but hastens to add that the fact that Bhuiyan has been a party hopper would go against him.

His new punch line that can provoke angry reactions from Trinamool camp is : “Even Muslims and women have lost their faith in Mamata Banerjee”.

However, poor results by the BJP in Lok Sabha elections may – however – hurt the future prospects of the present ‘A team’ in Bengal BJP.

BJP’s ‘glorious journey’ has space for only dozen minority candidates

New Delhi, Apr 28 (UNI) The more things change, the more they look the same!
In terms of BJP’s relations with religious groups, the Christians and the Muslims have always held the saffron party in suspicion.
Many would not even hesitate to join the campaign that India's ‘secular character’ is at stake under the BJP-led dispensation.
Even as Muslims are 'presumed' to have voted in favour of BJP nominees in 2014 Lok Sabha polls in Uttar Pradesh and also during the state assembly elections in 2017 and Christians inched closer to the saffron party in northeast, there were doubts, nevertheless, that if ‘communal forces’ are not halted, the largest democracy in the world could fall prey to ‘destruction’ of old social structures.

However, according to BJP sources in the run up to the polls of 2019 and the 'exultant journey' in making of a 'New India', the saffron party strategists fielded candidates from both the minority communities.



The claim is true but the BJP minority candidates would be around a dozen only.

BJP and its alliance partners - smaller parties and otherwise - are contesting virtually all of 543 seats in the grand battle of 2019.

In fact, there were also two Sikh prominent BJP nominees – Hardeep Singh Puri from Amritsar in Punjab and SS Ahluwalia from Bardhaman-Durgapur parliamentary constituency in West Bengal.

BJP fielded three Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir: MM War nominated to contest the 2019 Lok Sabha elections from Baramulla, Khalid Jahangir from Srinagar and Sofi Youssaf from Anantnag in Jammua and Kashmir.


In West Bengal, the Lotus party rested faith in a Muslim woman, Mahfuza Khatun, who was given ticket in Jangipur constituency where her rivals included two other Muslims and Congress candidate Abhijit Mukherjee,  son of former President Pranab Mukherjee.

In Jangipur, Khalilur Rehman is the Trinamool nominee and the CPI(M) has fielded Zulfikar Ali.


It is worth mentioning that the former President Mr Mukherjee represented Jangipur from 2004 to 2012 – a full one and a half term.

For BJP, another Muslim candidate in West Bengal has been Humayun Kabir from Murshidabad.

In Kerala, party's new found Christian face and Union Minister KJ Alphons has been fielded from Ernakulum - where he will sweat it out against P Rajeev of the CPI-M and Hibi Eden of the Congress.

BJP has backed the candidature of Kerala Congress (Mani) nominee PC Thomas from Kottayam.


The saffron party's Christian candidates in Meghalaya are Rikman G Momin as its candidate for Tura parliamentary constituency and three-time MLA Sanbor Shullai as another nominee for the Shillong seat.



In Manipur, H Shokhopao Mate Benjamin is a tribal Christian nominee from Inner Manipur.


In Mizoram, BJP nominee has been Nirupam Chakma - a Buddhist but the fight is considered only as part of tokenism. The state's ruling MNF is a constituent of BJP-led NEDA in the northeast.


In Nagaland, no BJP candidate in the Lok Sabha polls this time as the party backed NDPP nominee – Thokheho Yepthomi, also a Christian.


Abdul Khader is the BJP candidate from Lakshadweep (ST) Parliamentary constituency.


Interestingly,  with the BJP decision to field Union Minister of State Hardeep Singh Puri as its candidate from Amritsar, the constituency is set for a ‘rare’ contest between Sikhs.

The Congress has already announced the candidature of sitting MP Gurjit Singh Aujla. The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) has fielded Kuldeep Singh Dhaliwal from a constituency which has 65 per cent Sikh voters.

In Karnataka, BJP leader  KS Eshwarappa, a former deputy chief minister, recently courted controversy when he reportedly told media that his party ‘intentionally’ avoided having Christians as BJP candidates.

“The Christians, like the Muslims, were not given party tickets in our state because Christians are not honest,” he said reportedly.

Predictably, Christians have reacted to the statement also. Archbishop Peter Machado in Bengaluru said the BJP leader’s statement “has done great harm to Christians and discredited their community’s credibility”.

He also demanded that Mr Eshwarappa should “withdraw” his statement and tender an unconditional apology.
ends 

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