The state of Uttarakhand was placed under President's Rule. The Modi government has done it within two
months since it dismissed and imposed central rule in Arunachal Pradesh on
January 26. The imposition of
President's Rule dismissing Harish Rawat regime in Dehradun is yet another
addition to the catalogue of constitutional steps/sins - as one sees it -
committed in exercise of the Article 356.
The provisions of the
Article 356 - giving sweeping powers to the central government - are essentially
aimed at restoring constitutional propriety after breakdown of the same, said V
R Krishna Iyer once.
And certainly it
cannot be used to settle partisan scores.
But the obvious
actions from the Modi government in two Congress-ruled states suggest New Delhi
has tried to trample over the state autonomy.
By doing so, Modi has followed the footsteps of the Congress reign while in power. Yet, he had promised a different kind of polity.
Abuse of Article 356, though, is nothing new in Indian politics. A few BJP leaders have tried to build up an argument that the Congress had no business to talk about constitutional decorum as the grand old party had several times dismissed non-Congress governments across the country.
"Congress is forgetting how many state governments it has dismissed in the last 60 years," Kailash Vijayvargiya, BJP leader, said.
In 1992-93, the PV Narasimha Rao government at the Centre dismissed four BJP governments – in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh following the demolition of Babri Masjid on 6 December.
After the Rao regime dismissed the Nagaland government led by Vamuzo in 1992, the chief minister said that the imposition of President’s Rule did not surprise him. “After all, the Congress has always considered itself as imperial power and treated the states as colonies,” the late Vamuzo had said. In 2005, during Manmohan Singh’s regime, Goa Chief Minister Manohor Parrikar – now the Defence Minister – was dismissed by Governor SC Jamir.
Incidentally in 1990, Jamir, then Nagaland Chief Minister, was himself dismissed by Governor MM Thomas after 12 ruling Congress legislators defected from the Congress camp.
Like Rawat, Jamir had demanded trial of strength in the assembly and had managed the backing of the Speaker, late TN Ngullie.
However, Governor Thomas, during the VP Singh regime at the Centre, did not summon the assembly and had even declined to meet two Congress observers, Rajesh Pilot and SS Ahluwalia, saying the views of Congress MPs were not required on a political situation in Nagaland.
Even government led
by hardcore socialist Chandrashekhar was no different. It had dismissed DMK
ministry of Karunanidhi despite no adverse reports from the state Governor S S
Barnala in 1990 when Chandrashekhar survived on Rajiv Gandhi's support and the
latter (Rajiv) wanted to win over powerful Jayalalitha in the southern state.
Ironically,
Congress party is now at the receiving end of imperial character of the central
government. "Murder of democracy" being the refrain! These only bring us
to the debate on the merits of Governor’s office and certain discretionary
powers vested in him. Secondly, whether Article 356-357 that allows Centre the
power to dismiss the state government or dissolve a state assembly or both
should be deleted also needs a closer look.
A clear
vindictiveness if not pettiness was the hallmark of the final decision by the
BJP-led NDA on March 26-27 which not long ago has been screaming about
"cooperative federalism". Logic is a major
casualty in the process as also the implications of developments in
Arunachal and Uttarakhand must be weighed in properly.
Not only the Modi
Sarkar has put the other Congress governments like Manipur, Himachal Pradesh,
Meghalaya and Karnataka on notice; it also continues with a bad precedent
started by Congress long ago.
Modi-Rajnath ought to remember their election pledge |
More than anyone else, the Prime Minister Narendra Modi needs to
be careful. Is he over acting just because Congress has hardened its stance in
the Rajya Sabha and sabotaged his legislative measures?
Modi will do well not to forget that in 2014 the mandate was
also about generating a refreshing politics with high hopes. His slogan of Team
India must have been valued by the faceless voters including in Uttarakhand and
Arunachal Pradesh.
A large number of voters must have also presumed that under the
protagonist of development - an image Modi loves for himself - the abuses of
constitutional as well as administrative processes - a typical characteristic
of Congress governments would be a thing of the past.
With the Uttarakhand assembly kept in animated
suspension, horse trading or permutation-combination is hardly pushed away. The
BJP has already indicated it is not averse to try forming the next government
in the hill state.
(ends)
Rebellion=Defection |
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