Return to Gurukul values ::::: Post-1947 education policy produced a devastating shift !! :::: "Dronacharya did not promise to make every student Arjun"

As India pushes toward Viksit Bharat 2047, a veteran journalist argues that post-independence education policy replaced collective purpose with individual ambition — and only a return to Gurukul values can fix it -- (The Raisina Hills) 

By NIRENDRA DEV

When Prime Minister Narendra Modi criticised the legacy of Macaulay’s 1835 education minute last November, he reopened a debate that goes far deeper than colonial influence. The real question India must confront is this: somewhere between independence and aspiration, did education stop serving society altogether?

Post-1947 education policy produced a quiet but devastating shift. Learning — once understood as preparation for service — became a transaction. 

First it split along economic lines: rich, middle class, neo-middle, and poor, each accessing a different quality of schooling. 

Then Covid-19 exposed the digital divide with brutal clarity. Geography added another layer of exclusion. The result: education became just for the self and at best for the family. The older idea of learning for society, for the nation, for the broader human race, quietly evaporated.  

The Gurukul tradition offers a corrective — not as nostalgia, but as principle. In that ancient residential model, a student lived with the Guru, absorbed knowledge through discipline and daily practice, and understood learning as the beginning of lifelong responsibility. 

Dronacharya in the Mahabharata did not promise every student that they would become Arjun. 

Each Pandava, and even the flawed Duryodhana, found their own path of mastery. Humility was not weakness — it was the method. The teacher-student bond did not end with the syllabus; it deepened after it.

Modern education has inverted almost every one of those values. Teachers carry crushing administrative burdens, face politically influenced postings and often work without institutional support or social respect. Students navigate a system built on fear — of marks, of failure, of falling behind. 

The result is a generation that did not abandon values voluntarily. Gen Z inherited a mirror held up by adults: competitive, transactional, and often corrupt. 

The fault lies upstream.

This is where the National Education Policy 2020 carries genuine weight — and genuine risk. Its recommendations are sound: flexible curriculum, reduced rote learning, mother tongue instruction through Grade V, a push for research and innovation in higher education. 

If implemented with integrity, NEP could reconnect learning to purpose. 

Mission Viksit Bharat by 2047 will not be built on degrees alone. It will depend on citizens who think critically, serve collectively, and lead ethically.  

But intent without accountability produces slogans, not change. India must shed its habit — noted at every level, from neighbourhood boasts to university presentations at global summits — of dressing up borrowed achievement as original work.

The Gurukul taught that knowledge carries moral weight. 

The NEP 2020 has the architecture. What India still needs is the will to mean it.

ends 

“Ranveer doesn’t just act… he absorbs, he becomes" :::: Bollywood’s hero is no longer just angry, no longer just defeated ::: He can do it for India :::: Dhuranddhar-2 marks a subtle right-wing shift in storytelling

“Ranveer doesn’t just act… he absorbs, he becomes.” And perhaps that is the real takeaway. Bollywood’s hero is no longer just angry. He is no longer just defeated. 

Dhurandhar 2 ::: the protagonist Doesn’t Love, He Sacrifices  

“Nafrat hai mujhe duniya ka har woh kanoon jisey mera baap manta hai.”

That iconic line, delivered by Amitabh Bachchan in Shakti, defined an era—the age of the angry young man. It translated into a rebellion not just against authority, but against inherited values.

It was a different time. Father-son conflict was often measured in exam scores, career expectations, and the singular goal of securing admission into an engineering college. 

For many young Indians, rebellion was personal, intimate, and domestic.

Go further back, and Guru Dutt’s cinema offered a different emotional landscape. In Kaagaz Ke Phool, success itself became a burden; in Pyaasa, betrayal came from those closest. His protagonists were not rebels—they were broken men, crushed by society and circumstance.

Guru Dutt's Kaagaz Ke Phool: Conflict of Man and Success ::::  

From Amitabh Bachchan’s angry young man to Guru Dutt’s tragic protagonists, Dhurandhar 2 introduces a grief-driven warrior—does it signal a subtle right-wing shift in storytelling?

Bollywood’s traditional “defeatist” protagonist often symbolised despair. But Jaskirat Singh Rangi, alias Hamza, is something else entirely.

Played by Ranveer Singh, Hamza is not a conventional winner. In fact, he loses almost everything—his family, identity, emotional anchor, and the love of his life—even as he wins the war against terror for India.

This is where the shift becomes striking. Hamza is not driven by anger. He is driven by grief.

His motivations stem from loss—deep, irreparable loss. Perhaps that reflects the contemporary condition, where individuals are increasingly isolated, detached, and stripped of emotional certainties.

His personal life mirrors this fracture. Separated from his wife Yalina (Sara Arjun) and their child in Pakistan, Hamza carries wounds that no victory can heal. Even before this separation, he has already endured profound personal tragedy in India.  

The filmmakers consciously avoid portraying him as a triumphant warrior. Instead, he emerges as a man held together by duty, not hope.

And that raises a provocative question: Is this a new ‘Nation First’ narrative?

Unlike the angry young man of the 1970s, Hamza does not fight because of personal rage—not because of a fractured relationship with a “najayaz baap,” but 

for something larger than himself: the nation. 

He fights not because he believes he will win—but because he has nothing left to lose. That emotional void becomes his strength.

Even the film’s romantic undertones echo this depth: Gehra hua… dariya dua gehra hua… Love deepens, but so does pain. 

The film carefully balances emotional vulnerability with cinematic flamboyance. 

Hamza can be intense and understated, yet explosive and charismatic in the same breath.

Rakesh Bedi plays Jameel Jamali 

Here, defeat is not failure—it is character. It becomes a springboard, not an endpoint. Hamza is quietly broken, and that brokenness becomes his aura.

There is also a meta-layer to this transformation. Another actor has arrived—fully formed and unapologetically distinct. Ranveer Singh delivers a performance that distances him from both the “Khan era” and the nepotism debate.

As one critic put it: “Ranveer doesn’t just act… he absorbs, he becomes.” And perhaps that is the real takeaway. Bollywood’s hero is no longer just angry. He is no longer just defeated.

He is grieving—and still choosing to fight. And in that choice may lie the subtle emergence of a new cinematic ideology.

courtesy - The Raisina Hills 

ends 

"This is who he is, but this is not what Americans are" :::: World is no longer a 'stage' .... It's a Mad House :::: US Prez Trump says - “Open the Fuckin’ Strait, you crazy bastards..." :::: “Our whole region is going to burn”, is Iran's response

Utter Frustration has caught up arguably the world's most powerful President. In a social media post, Trump says: “Open the Fuckin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell".

As expected; Iran’s parliament speaker responded with a warning that the US president’s “reckless moves” would mean “our whole region is going to burn”. 

The US president was sharply rebuked by US politicians, including Republican former ally Marjorie Taylor Greene, who called on the administration to “intervene in Trump’s madness”.

He went onto say: the US President “has gone insane, and all of you are complicit”. 

Top Senate Democrat Chuck Schumer wrote “the President of the United States is ranting like an unhinged madman on social media”.

 “He’s threatening possible war crimes and alienating allies. This is who he is, but this is not who we are. Our country deserves so much better," he added. 

Iran is asserting but apparently is worried because the US President has become unpredictable. 

Amid all these; there is an Indian angle. It is too early to say that the pin-hole of hope goes via New Delhi. 

Iranian Foreign Minister Seyed Abbas Araghchi spoke to External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar on Sunday, as diplomatic outreach intensified alongside sharply escalating rhetoric from Washington.

“Received a call from Foreign Minister Araghchi of Iran. Discussed the present situation,” Jaishankar posted on X, marking their sixth conversation since the outbreak of the West Asia conflict on February 28.

The Iranian Embassy in New Delhi said the two sides discussed “bilateral relations as well as regional and international developments,” underscoring continued engagements.

Trump also added a threat:

“If they don’t make a deal, and fast, I’m considering blowing everything up and taking over the oil.”

The parallel tracks, intensifying diplomacy and escalating US pressure, are widely seen as the uncertain trajectory of the conflict.

In a sign of broader regional consultations, Dr Jaishankar held talks with Qatar’s Foreign Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani on the evolving situation in the region. 

Jaishankar also spoke with his UAE counterpart, Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan.  

BBC snap

BBC snap

On Sunday, Iran said it struck a petrochemicals complex in Bahrain. Video footage showed thick black smoke rising from the site.

The Kuwait Petroleum Corporation said a number of its facilities had been targeted by Iranian drone attacks, resulting in fires and “significant material losses”. 

Israel has launched deadly airstrikes on Lebanon and Gaza as its assault on both countries continues. An Israeli airstrike on southern Lebanon’s Kfar Hatta killed at least seven people, including a four-year-old girl, according to Lebanon’s state-run National News Agency. 

Understanding what is happening in West Asia is more important than ever  

Congress and its implicit faith in Pakistan’s diplomatic relevance :::::: “Mature, Skillful and Responsible Statecraft” --- Three adjectives hailing Modi's Diplomacy from four Congress leaders amid Iran War

Nirendra Dev

The Congress is also with implicit faith in Pakistan’s diplomatic relevance.

When Islamabad positioned itself as lead mediator in the US-Iran war — leveraging its ties with both Washington and Tehran — some pro-Rahul Gandhi, Congress voices suggested India was not doing enough by comparison.

&&&

A visible and deepening fault line has opened inside the Indian National Congress over the party’s response to the Iran war and the domestic LPG situation, with at least four senior leaders ....

publicly breaking from the Rahul Gandhi line to praise the Modi government’s handling of both crises.  

G4 Praises Mo-diplomacy

As Rahul Gandhi attacks government foreign policy, four senior Congress leaders call India’s West Asia handling “mature, skillful and responsible statecraft”.  

While Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge and Rahul Gandhi have maintained a posture of attack against the Centre, former Union Ministers Anand Sharma and Ashwini Kumar, Madhya Pradesh’s former Chief Minister Kamal Nath, Kerala MP and former UN Deputy Secretary General Shashi Tharoor, and Punjab MP Manish Tewari have each, in varying degrees, lauded what analysts are now calling “Mo-Diplomacy” — India’s calibrated, non-aligned approach to the West Asia crisis.

The Divide in Plain Sight

The contrast could not be sharper. Rahul Gandhi has called India’s foreign policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi “compromised.” Tharoor, in direct contradiction, called it “responsible statecraft.” Tewari said the government “is likely doing the right thing.” Anand Sharma, in a series of posts on X, praised India’s diplomatic handling of the crisis as “mature and skilful” and called for national unity.

Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju was quick to amplify the dissent. 

“At least these Congress leaders give more importance to national interests than to play politics in time of international crisis,” he posted on X, naming three of them specifically.

Condolence Book and Calibrated Timing

India’s diplomatic response to the death of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei illustrated the government’s careful calibration. Rahul Gandhi had urged the Centre to condemn Khamenei’s killing. India took its time — and when the moment came, Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri personally signed the condolence book at the Iranian Embassy in New Delhi, signalling respect without overreach.

The LPG Flashpoint

The split extended beyond foreign policy to domestic optics. Congress’s central leadership has been hammering the government over a reported LPG shortage. Kamal Nath publicly rejected his own party’s narrative. “There is no such shortage. It is just an atmosphere being created that there is a shortage,” he said.

BJP leaders moved swiftly. 

Former Congressman-turned-Union Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia posted on X: “It is time for the Congress to stop creating fear and distrust among the people to bake their political bread.” BJP spokesperson Pradeep Bhandari went further, calling Rahul Gandhi “an opportunist; Anti-India Man.”

Operation Sindoor: The Pattern Repeats

This is not the first time the Congress has fractured on a national security question. After India launched Operation Sindoor on May 7, 2025 — striking terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan in retaliation for the Pahalgam terror attack that killed 26 tourists in Jammu and Kashmir — Rahul Gandhi accused the government of lacking political will and suggested the strikes were conducted to protect the Prime Minister’s image rather than deliver a serious blow to terrorism.

Tharoor and Tewari again broke ranks, hailing the operation and the Indian Armed Forces, publicly distancing themselves from Gandhi’s comments. The Modi government subsequently formed a 59-member all-party parliamentary delegation to present India’s position internationally — a move that further isolated Rahul’s narrative.

Pakistan’s Diplomatic Overreach

The Congress leadership’s implicit faith in Pakistan’s diplomatic relevance has also come under scrutiny. When Islamabad positioned itself as lead mediator in the U.S.-Iran war — leveraging its ties with both Washington and Tehran and its stake in securing Strait of Hormuz passage for its oil tankers — some pro-Rahul Congress voices suggested India was not doing enough by comparison.

The gambit collapsed. Iran declined to meet any U.S. delegation on Pakistani soil. Pakistan’s simultaneous defence pact with Saudi Arabia — itself a target of Iranian pressure — left Islamabad having potentially alienated both sides.

The blowback was swift. The UAE, whose ties with Pakistan have been under strain, demanded immediate repayment of a $3.5 billion loan. Geopolitical analyst Daniel Bordman posted on X: “It seems like Pakistan has massively overplayed their hand.” In contrast, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, briefing an all-party meeting, was unambiguous about India’s positioning. India, he asserted, cannot and will not act as a “dalal nation” in geopolitics.

(Courtesy - The Raisina Hills) 

Can Modi Use Articles 355 and 311 to Rein In Mamata? (Courtesy - The Raisina Hills) :::: Art 356 ... “essentially aimed at restoring constitutional propriety"

From President’s Rule to bypassing inquiries for errant officials, the Centre has powerful — and controversial — tools to confront West Bengal’s ruling government. 

By NIRENDRA DEV

KOLKATA, April 4, 2026 — With West Bengal headed into a high-stakes assembly election and the Mamata Banerjee government locked in open confrontation with the Election Commission, constitutional experts and political observers are increasingly asking: how far can the Centre go — and under which provisions?

Article 356, the nuclear option that imposes President’s Rule, gets most of the attention. But two lesser-discussed constitutional instruments — Article 355 and Article 311(2) — may give the Union government significant leverage without the political cost of a full dismissal.

Why BJP Is Holding Back on Article 356

The Centre has the precedent, the legal authority, and arguably the political justification to invoke Article 356. It has been used dozens of times since Independence — most controversially by the P.V. Narasimha Rao government in 1992-93, which dismissed four BJP state governments in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh following the Babri Masjid demolition. 

Even a socialist Chandrashekhar government dismissed the DMK ministry of M. Karunanidhi in Tamil Nadu in 1990 without an adverse governor’s report, purely for political leverage.

 

The Modi government itself imposed President’s Rule in Uttarakhand in 2016, dismissing the Harish Rawat government under Article 356 — a move widely criticised as a misuse of constitutional machinery.

Yet today, the BJP’s central leadership appears reluctant to pull that trigger in Bengal.

West Bengal Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, Mamata Banerjee’s chief political rival, offered a pointed explanation. 

“Even Mamata wants President’s Rule,” Adhikari claimed, “but we want her to continue to keep the post and then face election.” The BJP’s calculation: imposing President’s Rule hands Banerjee a sympathy narrative going into polls.  

The Article 355 Pressure Valve

Less dramatic but potentially more surgical is Article 355, which mandates the Union government to protect every state against external aggression and internal disturbance, and to ensure state governments function in accordance with the Constitution.

Namo - Looking for right vaccination against 'appeasement' policy of Mamata

Unlike Article 356 — which is punitive and terminates a state government — Article 355 functions as a corrective instrument and a constitutional warning shot. It can be invoked when a state government fails to follow central directions or when internal disturbances go unaddressed.

In the West Bengal context, the Election Commission’s directions to the state government — particularly around the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise — could legally be framed as mandatory constitutional obligations. Non-compliance, or active obstruction, could justify Article 355 invocation as a precursor to stronger action.  

Article 311(2): The Bureaucracy Lever  

Perhaps the sharpest immediate tool available is Article 311, which governs the dismissal and disciplinary proceedings of civil servants.

Clause 2 of Article 311 allows the government to bypass the mandatory inquiry process — a significant protection normally afforded to civil servants — in three specific circumstances: where the dismissal is based on conduct that resulted in a criminal conviction; where the competent authority records in writing that holding an inquiry is not reasonably practicable; or where the President or Governor certifies that an inquiry would be against the interest of state security.

The Election Commission has already referred the investigation into the gherao of seven judicial officers involved in the SIR exercise in Malda to the National Investigation Agency. With the NIA now in the picture and questions swirling over who orchestrated the obstruction, the use of Article 311(2) exceptions against errant state officials cannot be ruled out.

A critical safeguard remains, however: courts and tribunals including the Central Administrative Tribunal retain jurisdiction to review whether the authority’s satisfaction was genuine or arbitrary — meaning any action taken under the exceptions is subject to judicial scrutiny.  

A New Governor, Old Controversies

The sudden resignation of Governor C.V. Ananda Bose drew immediate speculation from Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee herself. His replacement, R.N. Ravi — who courted significant controversy as Governor of both Nagaland and Tamil Nadu — signals that the Centre is not seeking a conciliatory figure in Raj Bhavan.

TMC spokesperson Mohammad Tauseef Rahman was direct: “The BJP always wanted to impose President’s Rule in the state.”

Whether through Article 355’s corrective pressure, Article 311’s bureaucratic leverage, or ultimately Article 356’s punitive force, the constitutional toolkit available to the Centre is formidable. The question is not whether the tools exist — it is whether the BJP calculates the political cost of using them before West Bengal votes.  

As Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer once observed of Article 356, such sweeping central powers are “essentially aimed at restoring constitutional propriety after breakdown of governance in a state.” 

The burden of proof — constitutional and political — remains on whoever invokes them.

Hours before NIA is set to submit report on 'Malda Gherao' in Supreme Court, PM Namo raises 'Maha jungle raj' bogey against Mamata :::::: "No matter how much TMC threatens, you must have faith in law"

 “What happened in Malda was due to TMC’s misgovernance. It is a maha jungle raj.," PM Narendra Modi said in Cooch Behar in North Bengal. 

"The Women's quota Bill has been held up for 40 years but cannot be stalled any longer,” Modi pointed out and urged people to put pressure on all political parties to support his Govt's initiatives to make this a reality.

Modi lashed out at the Trinamool Congress over the issue of lawlessness and said: “You saw a few days ago how in Malda, judicial officers were kept hostage. What kind of a government is this, where the judicial officers and atmosphere are not safe? 

"How can you expect security of citizens from this government?” he questioned alleging that the TMC strangled law enforcement agencies, with the Supreme Court also having to intervene. 

As expected, Modi also fagged off the issues such as cut money, the syndicate raj, the teachers recruitment scam, and the prevention of judicious use of central funds and thereby denying benefits to the public at large. 

Referring to the SIR and the infiltration issue,  the PM pointed out that the TMC had in the past opposed the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), which gives citizenship to Hindu minorities. 

The PM also mentioned a change in West Bengal’s demography as TMC was sheltering Bangladeshi infiltrators, while the BJP was working hard to identify and send them back. 

“No matter how much TMC goons threaten you, you must have faith in the law,” the PM added.

The BJP is using women empowerment to garner the support of West Bengal and to be seen as a party that is looking at the welfare of women on the national stage.

“We want the role of daughters to increase. Hence, in the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, we made a law for 33 per cent reservation,” said PM Modi, noting that it would be implemented from 2029 onwards.

“That is why the discussion will be taken up on 16th, 17th and 18th of April. 

"It has been held up for 40 years and cannot stalled any longer,” Modi PM pointed out. 

Notably, the Women's Quota issue would make the TMC leadership go jittery as over the years in numerous elections, the women voters formed a formidable support base for Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal.  

Outside the poll-bound eastern India of course - Namo as a vote-catcher has been a big hit with the women electorate including in tribal areas and also amongst Muslim female voters. 

After BJP won 71 seats on its and two additional for its ally Apna Dal in 2014 Lok Sabha elections, eminent journalist-turned-BJP leader had said --- "This figure is not possible without Muslim (especially women) backing BJP and NDA candidates".

Why is Cooch Behar key for the BJP?

The BJP is looking to use the rally to reinforce its place in North Bengal, a region that has continued to be central to its electoral strategy in the state. 

Party leaders stated PM Modi is likely to lay out the party’s pitch for a “developed West Bengal”. It will also raise issues highlighted in the BJP’s recently released chargesheet against the ruling TMC, including governance, alleged corruption, and law and order.

What comes next in the campaign

Modi is expected to conduct more public meetings later this week, including 

in Suri, 

Jangipur, 

Uttar Dinajpur, 

Suri, Asansol, Krishnanagar, Siliguri, and Dakshin Dinajpur.

The BJP is also planning more rallies, roadshows, and organisational programmes across the state.

Goondaism ... heckling TMC art in Politics ::: 'real Jabar bela (Time to Go)' syndrome in West Bengal .... "Mamata also gets into Rahul-syndrome... likely to blame all others for poor show but never herself"

Veteran Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, the Congress candidate from the Baharampur Assembly constituency, was on Saturday (April 5) morning heckled allegedly by Trinamool Congress supporters during his campaign near the BT College in ward 19 of Behrampore town.

The five-time Lok Sabha MP cut short his campaign and left. In 2024 Lok Sabha polls, Adhir Chowdhury was defeated by TMC nominee Yusuf Khan Pathan, a former cricket star who incidentally hails from Gujarat.

Now this is a test case on what should Rahul Gandhi tweet next about Secularism and Vote-chori politics in West Bengal. 

The incident, which unfolded around 10am, took a confrontational turn when a group of Trinamool Congress supporters, reportedly led by party councillor Bhiswadeb Karmakar, raised slogans of “Adhir Chowdhury go back”. The sloganeering escalated into a face-off between supporters of the two rival camps, culminating in a clash-like situation despite the presence of central forces.

NIA team and EC likely to submit a report on Malda violence and gherao of judicial officers on Monday

snap (the Telegraph)

NIA reconstructs hostage situation; Central agency to scan CCTV footage, Mothabari remains peaceful

The team, which arrived in Malda on Friday, began its day by revisiting the BDO office in the Mothabari Assembly constituency around 10.30am. 

The judicial officers, including three women, were detained for hours on Wednesday while they were hearing cases related to “under-adjudication” voters as part of the SIR drive. 

A 40-member team of the National Investigation Agency (NIA) on Saturday fanned out across Malda district to probe into the detention of seven judicial officers at the Kaliachak 2 block development officer’s (BDO’s) office on Wednesday.

The team, which arrived in Malda on Friday, began its day by revisiting the BDO office in the Mothabari Assembly constituency around 10.30am. The judicial officers, including three women, were detained for hours on Wednesday while they were hearing cases related to “under-adjudication” voters as part of the SIR drive.  

Although NIA officials refrained from speaking to the media, sources in the BDO office said the investigators reconstructed the sequence of events in detail. 

“They sought a minute-by-minute timeline of the protest and blockade, enquired about CCTV coverage and collected footage from cameras installed in and around the premises,” a source said (reports The Telegraph).

The team later visited the office of the Malda superintendent of police, where senior officers were questioned about deployment and response mechanisms in the Mothabari and Kaliachak police station areas. 

The investigators also inspected the district police control room and wireless communication systems to assess coordination during the incident.  

Goondaism at Malda 

In the evening, the NIA officers met district magistrate Rajanvir Singh Kapur at the administrative building. Officials remained tight-lipped about the discussions.

The probe comes amid scrutiny over the handling of the situation. Additional director-general of police (north Bengal) K. Jayaraman had on Friday acknowledged delays in rescuing the detained judicial officers.

The affected judicial officers had since been relocated to a hotel on K J Sanyal Road in Englishbazar, from where they are currently discharging their duties.

Malda is the sixth largest city or urban agglomeration in West Bengal
It consists of two municipalities, viz. English Bazar Municipality and Old Malda Municipality, under Malda Metropolitan Area. 

The city is located on the banks of the Mahananda River. 

Malda was an undeveloped city which was enlarging from 1925 to 1930. The city is growing rapidly nowadays with its population inching towards half a million. 

On the arrest of Mofakkarul Islam, the mastermind of the Malda incident, Union Minister and BJP leader Sukanta Majumdar said: 

"The NIA investigation going on. Before that, the state CID arresting him felt suspicious to me. Whether this arrest was done for the sake of arrest or to protect him will be known after the investigation. TMC is behind the Malda episode".   

Mamata caught in Rahul Gandhi-syndrome how ??? 

A few days back, addressing an election rally TMC chief Mamata Banerjee asked the gathering ... "How many of you stood in long line for SIR". She expected people would raise hands in large numbers. 

She repeated her statement and at one point even said - "What happened, why so silent". 

Then what's called Rahul Gandhi-variety of wisdom gripped her. She asked - "How many of you stood in long line during denomination (note-ban of 2016)". And people did respond.

The moral of the lesson - the populism is no longer working. And perhaps more importantly - she is loosing the touch of a maestro in the ability to read crowd's mind. 

This comes in the life of demagogues and quite often and all that is happening in West Bengal polity of 2026.    

 

2014 - New Delhi : Empty chairs greeted Mamata in Ram Lila Ground 

ends 

In today's world of conflicts, "Enlightenment" ----- a core principle of Buddhism is vital all humankind : Catholic intellectual M D Thomas

The New Delhi-based Institute of Harmony and Peace Studies (IHPS) in collaboration with Buddha Tri-Ratna Mission (BTM) organized a round table conference among Religious and Social Leaders of Diverse Communities at Buddha Tri Ratna Mission, New Delhi, on March 28.

The theme of the conference was ‘Enlightenment in Different Religious  Scriptures’.  Dr M. D. Thomas, Founder Director, Institute of Harmony and Peace Studies, chaired and moderated the session. 

In his opening remarks, Thomas explained that the seminar is part of the Institute’s ongoing series titled  ‘Engaging with Cross-Scriptural Values for Interfaith and Social Harmony’. 

This initiative explores values from the sacred  scriptures of different religions in a cross-cultural and comparative way. he emphasized.

The ‘Enlightenment,’ a core  principle of Buddhism, is a universal value, greater knowledge and a shared heritage of all humankind, he said. 

He urged participants  to embrace this spirit, highlighting it as a key value that fosters harmony across religions. 

As part of the seminar’s dynamics,  he encouraged speakers to identify and discuss similar values found within their own or other religious scriptures. 

Among others Subroto Barua, General Secretary, Buddha Tri-Ratna Mission also spoke.

The session was also attended by Prof T. K. Mishra (Former Professor, Ramjas College, Delhi University), Prof. Junaid Haris (Professor, Department of  Islamic Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia, Central University), Prof. Salim Engineer (Vice President Jamaat-e-Islami Hind), Dr  Chand Bharadwaj (Founder Gyanam Suvigyanam), 

Dr Vic Gaffiney (CEO, Indian Institute of Leadership Sciences), Dr  Gopal Jee (President, Global Yoga Alliance), Dr Ajay Jain (Founder Promoter, Jain World Mission) and advocate Monika Sharma. 

Bhikku Nanada explained that enlightenment in Buddhism (Bodhi or awakening) is the ultimate  goal of spiritual practice. 

It represents a state of liberation from suffering, craving, and the cycle of rebirth (samsara).  

Enlightenment involves a direct insight into the true nature of reality—particularly impermanence, non-self, and the Four  Noble Truths—and is achieved through meditation, ethical living, and wisdom. 

He further noted that enlightenment is marked  by awakening, freedom from fetters, the cessation of suffering, and the cultivation of compassion and wisdom. 

Dr Ajay Jain stated that, according to Jain scriptures, Keval Gyan (absolute knowledge) alone constitutes pure knowledge,  and it is through this that enlightenment can be attained. 

He explained that the soul is inherently pure, but when covered by external layers, it loses its completeness. 

Jain philosophy identifies five types of knowledge: Mati Gyan (sensory or mental  knowledge), 

Shrut Gyan (scriptural knowledge), 

Avadhi Gyan (clairvoyant knowledge), 

Manahparyaya Gyan (telepathic  knowledge), and 

Keval Gyan (absolute knowledge). 

The attainment of Keval Gyan, he added, is possible through the  observance of the five great vows. 

Prof. Junaid Haris highlighted that, according to the Qur’an, Islam is founded on three core principles: Wahdat-e-Deen (unity  of religion), 

Wahdat-e-Ilah (unity of God), and 

Wahdat-e-Adam (unity of humanity). 

These principles reflect the belief that  the fundamental teachings of all religions ultimately lead to one supreme truth. He further emphasized that enlightenment can be attained through akhlaq (moral conduct). 

Arya Ravi Dev Gupt remarked that human beings have been granted the freedom to think and act, and it is their responsibility  to use this freedom wisely. 

Referring to the Vedas, he explained that knowledge is of two types: 

Nitya Gyan (eternal  knowledge) and 

Naimittik Gyan (situational or occasional knowledge). 

While Nitya Gyan comprises daily practices essential  for spiritual purity and discipline, Naimittik Gyan refers to specialized knowledge that helps individuals progress toward  enlightenment.

Adv Monika Sharma emphasized that enlightenment is essential for avoiding wrongful conduct. 

According to Hindu  scriptures, attaining moksha (liberation) itself is enlightenment, which requires purity in thought, intention, and speech. She  further stressed that while religious scriptures contain profound wisdom, this knowledge must be simplified for broader  understanding and passed on to future generations to build a better society. 

Sardar Harvinder Singh Lamba referred to the teachings of the Guru Granth Sahib, particularly the concept of Ik Onkar,  which emphasizes the oneness of God and the unity of all humanity. 

He urged that we must not discriminate between ‘ours’  and ‘others’, and noted that enlightenment can be attained by understanding the Guru’s teachings and overcoming ignorance. 

Prof. T. K. Mishra underscored the importance of awakening spiritual awareness among the youth, as it helps address mental  distress. 

He emphasized the need to promote the shared values present in all religions, which foster tolerance and pave the  way toward enlightenment. He also stated that sincerely fulfilling one’s duties is the highest form of dharma and a path to  spiritual realization. 

Mr Yash Dhamija highlighted the importance of understanding diversity, noting that differences do not divide us but enrich  us. Referring to the Hindu philosophical principle of Neti-Neti, he explained that it guides individuals to transcend the  transient and visible world in order to realize eternal truth, thereby making enlightenment possible. 

Prof. Salim Engineer explained that knowledge has two dimensions: one acquired through intellect, reasoning, senses, and  experimentation, and the other revealed through prophets. 

He emphasized that knowledge becomes meaningful only when  used for the benefit of others, as all ultimately return to the same Creator. Dr Gopal Jee referred to the teachings of the  Bhagavad Gita, noting that enlightenment leads to moksha. 

He added that this can be achieved through yoga, which  emphasizes the unity of body, mind, and soul. 

Concluding the session, Dr M. D. Thomas emphasized the importance of applying enlightenment in everyday life. He  urged individuals to move beyond the narrow confines of religion in order to truly practice its essence, stating that religion  exists for human beings and is only one aspect of life—not its entirety. 

He cautioned against giving religion absolute  importance and advocated for a balanced, moderate approach free from rigidity and extremism. He concluded that refining  and elevating our understanding of religion is itself a form of enlightenment. 

ends 

After 29 years of Peace Talks, Nagas apparently realise the matter of greater importance --- talk to each other !! :::: "... uncomfortable question asked -- How long the Peace Talk will remain perpetually unfinished?"

"Nagaland today is a land where tenants, with Govt of India's help, dream to be landlords through heckling, harassing and brutalizing the owners with symbolic tools like Integration, flag, constitution, Pan Naga Hoho etc," -- came the warning in 2022 from the NNPG Working Committee. 

In 2026 -- now we have a newspaper article that says -- Nagas need to negotiate with each other. 

"Because unity, if it is to mean anything, cannot be declared—it must be built". 

The article penned by Jim Jajo says: "The push for pan-Naga structures, often framed as instruments of unity, is viewed by critics as mechanisms that risk flattening diversity and sidelining dissent.

This is where his warning becomes more serious: a solution imposed in the name of unity could, paradoxically, fracture the Naga society. The fault lines are already visible."

The writer does not fail to mention : "Nowhere is this more sensitive than in Manipur".

Link of Jajo's article

It's true in Manipur, the situation is complex, where Naga aspirations intersect with Kuki claims, Meitei anxieties, and the fragile balance of a deeply contested state.   

Some of these complexities were flagged earlier both by the Govt of India negotiators and also from voices in Nagaland.

Various Naga organisations, student bodies and individual Naga leaders including the likes of S C Jamir, the veteran Naga politician and only surviving signatory to the 1960 Statehood Agreement, had been mounting pressure on all stakeholders for an early Solution. 

Importantly; the NNPG also said in 2022 itself - "Immediately after 1988 crisis (split in NSCN), having warmly welcomed by hospitable Nagas into Nagaland, southern Naga (NSCN-IM) leaders did not own a hut then. 

Today, in the name of political dialogue" and extortion these people have able to purchase farmlands in Dimapur, Chumukedima and Peren districts." 

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Some ex military officers have stated that these statements were like warnings but for some obvious reasons, these warnings were ignored. One of them underlined - "Things are still not late ... 2026-27 offers a suitable time to strike it well when the iron is hot for an immediate Solution. Otherwise things are doomed to go the tragic way of Yugoslavia, multiplied a hundred times".   

The peace talks had begun in 1997 during the stint of I K Gujral as the Prime Minister. The first backroom channel of communication with Naga militants was opened by the then Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao. This was around 1994-95 when S C Jamir was the chief minister the Late Rajesh Pilot was MoS Home, Internal Security.

Later H D Deve Gowda formally met NSCN (IM) leaders Thuingaleng Muivah and Isak Chishi Swu (now deceased) at Zurich in February 1997. 

The first ceasefire was announced for six months in August 1997 and by then Gujral was the Prime Minister and CPI leader Indrajit Gupta was the Union Home Minister. 

Considerable progress was made by the Vajpayee government while nothing much moved between 2004 an 2014 when Manmohan Singh was at the helm of affairs.  

The Modi government had put the entire parleys into a faster track with R N Ravi as the negotiator and it inked a Framework Agreement with NSCN (IM) in 2015 - within 15 months of it coming to power.

The timing was good as the pact was inked months before aging Isak Chishi Swu expired. The  operational leadership of NSCN (IM) generally remained with Muivah over the years. He is a Tangkhul Naga and the community has substantial

presence in hilly region of Manipur.

Muivah was allowed (or facilitated) his visit to native hamlet Somdal in October 2025. The Govt of India's gesture was not given its due. 

The recent phenomenon and happenings are known to all.  The newspaper article (in Ukhrul Times) as referred above says :  

"The uncomfortable truth is this: the Naga political question is no longer just about recognition by the Indian state. 

It is equally about recognition within Naga society itself. If one group claims to speak for all, the question now being asked is—who authorised that claim? And if that question is not addressed, the risk is clear. 

A solution that lacks consensus may be signed on paper, but it will struggle to hold on the ground."  

  

The Govt of India understood this the moment the issues of Flag and a separate Constitution were raised. The mandarins knew it well no government authority in Delhi could go against the very spirit of the Indian constitution.

More so under Narendra Modi -- because the NDA-2 abrogated the Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir.

However, the Home Minister Amit Shah made it clear in Parliament itself that the true spirit of Art 371 (A) and other similar clauses would be diluted or deleted ever. 

Two years prior to abroation of Article 370 came the Agreed Position with the NNPG.

In the context of the Agreed Position signed on 17th November 2017, the NNPG had said in 2022 that they did not require any "camera flashlights, no hype or hoopla".

This was a veiled taunt about August 3, 2015 when the NSCN (IM) signed the Framework Agreement with interlocutor Ravi in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

"That afternoon (Nov 17, 2017), the Naga delegation experienced a solemn moment with thankful hearts, sat at a round table when a historic document was signed. the Govt of India recognised the political and historical rights of the Nagas to self determine their future in consonance with their distinct identity," NNPG leader G Naga, Kilonser (GPRN-NSCN - Kitovi faction).

Notably, Naga veteran leader S C Jamir has also said a number of times that the Nagas of Manipur need not bother much about 'Nagas of Nagaland'. 

In fact, a retired IAS officer Khekiye K Sema in a newspaper article also had suggested that the "Nagas of Nagaland have no choice but to take a look back at our history ....".

He wrote the NSCN (IM) is "spearheading the negotiation with the Government and trying to decide the fate of  the Nagas of Nagaland without letting us know exactly what our future is going to look like".  

In 2026 - Jajo writes ::: 

"Nowhere is ideological clarity stronger than among the Tangkhul Nagas of Ukhrul. 

As the home ground of Thuingaleng Muivah, the tribe has long formed the intellectual and organizational backbone of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah). 

"Here, the idea of Nagalim is not abstract—it is lived, debated, and defended. 

Yet even in this stronghold, a subtle shift is underway. Younger voices and civil society actors are beginning to ask uncomfortable questions: How long can a peace process remain perpetually unfinished? And at what cost does ideological purity come?" 

Nagaland's famous Metaphysical intellectuals under the patronage of the Status Quo club have to look within.

These questions may not provoke quick answers. But they do provide a broad hint why New Delhi is not in hurry about anything. 

ends