Lalitgate: A silent Namo, misplaced roadmap of Congress

If you try to pass judgement with malice and hostility, you deceive not only your opponent but yourself.  - The Last Question by Saratchandra Chattopadhyay

Virtually this approach and spirit is guiding the Congress response to the Lalitgate controversy. As a result Congress is convincingly appearing leaderless and rudderless. The manner the likes of Ghulam Nabi Azad and Digvijay Singh are quoting L K Advani on daily basis suggest a very interesting phase -- the total bankruptcy in Congress arsenal wherein they could have had the Modi regime on the mat.

"Advaniji doesn’t give hints, he states everything with clarity. But ‘jo na samjhe  woh nadaan," said Azad almost elevating BJP patriarch as an elderly statesman. These appear like trying to use Advani's aging shoulders to shoot at the Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Both Vasundhara Raje and Sushma Swaraj are important BJP players - besides being women-in-power faces; but the Congress attack is only a bit of cacophony. 

Most of the media briefings by the likes of Jairam Ramesh, supposedly the architect of a pathetic Land Bill in 2013 and who also damaged party's prospects in Andhra-Telangana region, is like barking up the wrong tree.

In the process, Congress is only betraying its helplessness and absence of home work in taking on the Narendra Modi-led dispensation. This does not augur well for democracy as a weak and allegedly a ‘bogus’ show by opposition only would make the incumbent government more arrogant and perhaps also dictatorial.

“By creating a defence entirely based on FEMA, Modi-supporters and BJP-proxies have been able to create a smokescreen that the Congress hasn’t been able to penetrate. This is their biggest failing. Could it be deliberate? Possibly yes, because the Congress camp is full of sharp lawyers, including former finance minister P Chidambaram….,” says Firstpost. (Link: http://www.firstpost.com/politics/all-noise-no-point-congress-attack-on-bjp-over-lalit-modi-scandal-is-aimless-heres-why-2317280.html)

The worst sin committed by Congress in the entire drama is the absence of home work – and thus confusing Light Blue Corner notice with Blue Corner or even Red Corner.

By raking up Dholpur palace controversy, Congress has again only shown its bankruptcy and sheer desperation even as despite the ‘mandate’ on Lalitgate at TV studios, the BJP is not buying the resignation line especially for Vasundhara.

True, Prime Minister Narendra Modi chose to remain silent on Mann-ki-Baat radio programme on the major row but in the eagerness to exploit that Congress has again given away certain loopholes in its campaign to be exploited by BJP.

A strategic silence or Blunder

The repeated use of the word ‘Bhagoda (fugitive)’ by none other than an educated and well informed Jairam Ramesh for Lalit Modi is again a baffling episode.

The saffron party has thus said even if Raje had backed the immigration appeal of Lalit Modi, former IPL chairman, she had "not testified in court on his behalf" and hence the Opposition criticism of her supporting a man wanted for financial crimes in India was "misplaced".

"Can anyone cite before us an instant wherein Vasundhara appeared before the court of law as is being made out by our political opponents," BJP spokesman Sambit Patra said.

Another BJP spokesman Shrikant Sharma said the Congress is not doing its homework properly. So the question is, has the Congress blown the issue over.

Moreover, look at the Congress misplaced priority. Just to make a political point, Ghulam Nabi Azad flayed Prime Minister for not mentioning Ramzan, a festival of Muslims, and instead had raised Raksha Bandhan, a Hindu fest, with insurance schemes for women.

This gave BJP an opportunity and BJP women workers thus staged a protest against Ghulam Nabi Azad, Leader of the Opposition in Rajya Sabha, for his remarks that while PM Narendra Modi had mentioned about Raksha Bandhan during his radio address yesterday, he did not refer to Ramzan, a major festival of Muslims.

The agitating BJP workers also had demanded an apology from Azad. 

The China hand in North East Insurgency

China’s interest about India in general and in the north east India is nothing new. Immediately after independence of both the countries by 1954-55, Chinese authorities raked up the ‘old map’ controversy and claimed significant parts of north east India. In subsequent years, betraying an alleged ‘expansionist designs’, by 1960, they came up with an idea of formation of a ‘Himalayan Federation’ comprising Nepal, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh (erstwhile NEFA).

1962 is too well known. Thus even in circa 2015 when there is buzz about support from China to various insurgent agencies in the north east India, there is little to dispute on the same.

The Naga rebels led by Thuingaleng Muivah and Isak Chishi Swu had visited China in early 1960s and armed guerrillas got training too.

Muivah and Swu: Original China nexus

Strategically the ‘unity’ of the Eastern Naga Revolutionary Council, the Burmese Naga organisation led by Shangu Shangwan Khaplang and the NNC was emphasized. Later on the Chinese support extended to help smooth coordination between Nagas, Meiteis (Manipuris), Mizos, Chins and Kachins and later on Assamese (ULFA) to give a lasting impact on militancy history.

However, creditably for both the countries, India and China have not exactly been at daggers drawn after 1962, but neither have they been the best of friends. The history has not been wished away but both the countries have struggled to improve ties especially on economic and trade. 

The present Narendra Modi regime has tried to befriend China and the reciprocation from Beijing has not been discouraging. But the ‘fundamental contradictions’ do define Sino-Indian relations. India and China are competitors for the same turf. Both are growing economic powers, with India lately trying to unleash its potentials. Both are important Asian players, both key BRICS members and both want to be recognized as “the most important power” in the region vis-à-vis the declining influence of the western powers. 

Having said these, the first support to north east militancy from China came for Naga rebel leader Thuingaleng Muivah when in 1967 the crafty NNC leader (who later floated potent National Socialist Council of Nagaland- NSCN along with S S Khaplang, a Myanmarese Naga and Isak Chishi Swu) went to Yunan province of China along with 300 odd Naga youth for the armed training. Initially, they were termed as Naga National Volunteers and were reportedly accommodated in military camps in Eu-Kung near Chengtung. Even Isak Chishi Swu, chairman of NSCN and the then Foreign Secretary under A Z Phizo in 1960s had visited China.

“I have great respect for Chinese leaders and the Chinese people. I see in them greatness and so I have admiration for them. They tried to understand our point of view,” Muivah had said in a television interview many years later in 2004.  

In fact, this Chinese support, say Indian security specialists “redefined” the course and history of the Naga movement for all time to come. 

The Nagas were followed by Mizos, Meiteis and also Assamese.

The 2015 buzz about ‘support’ to other insurgent groups like PLA of Manipur is only a continued episode of that phenomenon.

Honestly speaking military and diplomatic officials in both countries seem to appreciate the gravity of the problem between two countries. 

“…the difference in view on this (issues like Sikkim as integral part of India) lies in historical background. But for mutual interest and friendship we have adopted some flexibility and made adjustments in our policy,” remarked the then Chinese ambassador to India Zhou Gang on March 16, 2000. Similar ‘flexibility’ if not more is displayed by Indian authorities too. The ruling BJP leaders of PM Modi says, the big and bold step by Indian government to grant e-Visas to Chinese tourists was a crucial step that have stunned Chinese authorities but ‘endeared Modi’ to the Chinese people.

Many if and buts associated with such episodes can be appreciated only in due course as many answers lie only in the womb of time.

Coming back to China’s interest in the north east region and its sponsorship to the militancy it would not be wrong to state that insurgent groups from the northeast have always looked towards China for support. Several groups even formally incorporated elements of Chinese ideology as part of their manifesto. The NSCN, for instance, continues to emphasise on the term “socialist” while advocating the slogan of “Nagaland for Christ”. 

“There is no denying the fact that the insurgency in north east India would have assumed an ominous contour as it has without foreign support, both covert and overt especially from powerful neighbours like China,” says a former army corps commander and GOC Nagaland.

Blogger's dad N C Deb served in erstwhile NEFA

But China has its issues too. Beijing has more than once gone on record about its stand on Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim. Notwithstanding certain hype created over improvement in relations in last decade or so, there is no gainsay to point out that the hidden controversies – like Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim – cannot really guarantee a total stable relation. Beijing continues its stand in not accepting Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh – the two geo-politically significant states – as integral parts of India even as it recognized the Nathula Pas border trade along Sikkim.

Mission Myanmar : Tough Rules of a Tough Game

The Indo-Myanmar relations more so in the context of strategic importance and counter insurgency operations is the flavour of the new season. A sizeable portion in western Myanmar is dominated by the ethnic Nagas, who share biological fraternity with the Nagas in India. Thus it is often argued by political parties in Indian side of the border and also security experts in the South Block that the condition of Nagas in Myanmar can have some impact vis-à-vis the insurgency movement of the Nagas this side.
That means this could easily impact states like Nagaland, Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.

Sentinels Guarding North East Hills

The issue has come to the fore with the 4 June, 2015 ambush by Naga rebels from across the border against Dogra Regiment killing 18 Indian soldiers and India and Myanmar supposedly acting tough. India shares a long land frontier with Myanmar that runs longer than 1600 km. The government of India for decades took scant note of the fact that Myanmar’s so called “isolationist policy” – under the military regime – has only befriended it more to China. 

Now in last few years if the political turmoil and sustained international pressure one way or the other changed the lives of common Myanmarese, it has also changed things for Nagas in Myanmar who have often suffered the loss of home, lives and culture.
Do they often feel unwanted in their homeland thus also deserve finer scrutiny.

The Nagaland government has submitted a paper to the Government of India on these lines.

But having said these it needs to be appreciated that certain aspects of supposedly internal matters of Myanmar can easily bamboozle Indian government, which despite subjected to all kinds of criticism has been practicing functional democracy for over six decades.  

An 'unstable' Myanmar is always a matter of concern vis-a-vis northeast insurgency-hit states. A resemblance of democracy has come in Myanmar and in circa 2015 all eyes – as expected - would be on the general elections likely to be held by October-November. But elections can be often destabilizing factor too.

Blogger

The dastardly killing of 18 Dogra Regiment soldiers left Indian army no choice but to act fast. Thus a covert army operation along the Myanmar border and also perhaps into the interiors of Myanmar was carried out ostensibly with the green signal from the highest level in the country. 

The Junior Information Minister, R Rathore was not alone. Other Indian ministers and BJP leaders portrayed the military action—which was meant to be covert—as a major success and as a declaration that Prime Minister Modi was ready to carry out surgical strikes against militants beyond India’s borders. The real issue is India’s western neighbour-  Pakistan.

But in the melee of this fierce debate, one factor that needs to be understood is why insurgency flourishes in states like Nagaland and Manipur and how do Indian authorities – with or without army -- tackle the menace. And also what role Myanmar has ?

The government of India for decades took scant note of the fact that Myanmar’s so called “isolationist policy” towards it – under the military regime – has only befriended it more to China. 
In last few years if the political turmoil and sustained international pressure one way or the other changed the lives of common Myanmarese, it has also changed things for Nagas in Myanmar who have often suffered the loss of home, lives and culture.

Modi with Aung San Suu Kyi

Now importantly, among the armed-chair glib talkers in Delhi TV studios, perhaps very few know about the ethnic ties of the Nagas from both sides of the international border. The ensuing elections have made the military commanders in Myanmar redraw their chessboard. Till now, the generals continue to have the “final say” in the appointment of the Defence minister, Home minister and the minister of Border Affairs in Myanmar. So, one apprehension has been what would happen if October election will take away certain vital powers from the military commanders? 

The suspicion is military rulers will make use of the existing law and can ensure handover of power "by the President" to the military. Firstly, such a situation is not entirely ruled out. Secondly, in such an event, the Naga Self-Administered Zone in western Myanmar as stipulated by the 2008 constitutional norms would end up. 

The Modi government seems to understand the key issues involved and thus Modi's trusted man, NSA Ajit Doval was deputed for a two day visit to Myanmar for talks with Myanmar rulers. The military junta rulers in Myanmar have been suave operatives and quite experts in diplomacy too.

Modi and his Chanakya, Doval

Myanmar venture ! What's Namo up to?

After fighting him for decades now and often cornering him in jungle battles but still unable to get rid of him, the Indian government hopes that S S Khaplang, the aging Naga rebel leader, could be arrested by Myanmar authorities and handed over to India.

Khaplang, a Hemi Naga from Myanmar region, is reportedly suffering from old age ailments and is undergoing treatment in Yangoon even as his men stuck dastardly and killed at least 18 security force personnel in June 4 Manipur ambush. 

Much is being written and spoken about India's onetime 'covert' operation along and "in the territories" of Myanmar. The real issue is not Myanmar or Khaplang. It's India's western neighbour -- dear Pakistan. And the player is not Indian army, its India's most pro-active Prime Minister Narendra Modi. 

Namo: Being most pro-active PM

Too ambitious to make a mark as India's Prime Minister after decades of failures, Modi and his team are working to a plan.

Thus this Myanmar venture was a actually strategy. Its true Pakistan is feeling the heat and rattled. In the words of M J Akbar, a senior journalist and now BJP spokesman,

“Pakistan is rattled by fact that we now have a Prime Minister who takes action".

Modi really took Pakistanis on in Bangladesh. The 1971 reference was just a tip of ice berg. Modi is working to isolate Pakistan in SAARC.

Raising the terrorism bogey and trying to rope in Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, a Muslim woman, for counter terrorism rhetoric and possible action is fine tuned to suit that rhythm.

On power connectivity Modi wants a cooperation between Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal. This will be itself a major game-changer.

File snap: Blogger with army personnel somewhere in NE India

Thus my humble understanding is Myanmar venture was symbolic, more to give signals to the neighbours. 

In a clear sign that Modi intends to improve power and connectivity projects in South Asia, and that obviously would help the north east India, the joint statement by India and Bangladesh in Dhaka also laid out details of ‘joint power and connectivity projects’ being undertaken by BBIN sub-grouping (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal). 

Creditably for the erstwhile UPA regime too, a 35-year power transmission agreement was signed with Bangladesh in 2010 that facilitated eastern neighbour to import 250 megawatt of electricity.
The recent diplomatic overtures between India and Bangladesh are actually seen as a right follow up of Indo-Nepal and Indo-Bhutan cooperation in power sector started few years back. In many ways, water is to Nepal and Bhutan what oil is to Arabs. But it goes without saying that the potentials ought to be exploited and Nepal and Bhutan can also be designated such “development partners” for India. If everything works according to plan, Pakistan's isolation will be easier. 

Naga Rebel strikes

Having said these, it can be only re-emphasised here that Modi is not against engagement with Pakistan. But he is too smart a politician to repeat Atal Behari Vajpayee's mistake like Agra Summit with Gen. Pervez Musharraf.

Modi is working on a different kind of engagement. He wants to negotiate with Pakistan from a position of strength possibly on all fronts. 

That is why his supporters in BJP government says, Prime Minister wants India to be 

friendly to China, US and Russia and also BRICS and European nations.

He also wants to isolate isolate Pakistan in SAARC and then say Mr Sharif 'let's talk'. 

Certainly, the plan sounds took bookish. It's tough and ambitious.  

BUT NOT UN-WORKABLE !!

Look at Myanmar, so far the incumbent government there has not really embarrassed Indian government. This only gives credence that the counter-insurgency operation on the Indo-Myanmar border was being planned for quite sometime now. 

Using personal charm!!

Did Agriculture suffer under Nehru? Are Gurgaon builders against Land Bill?

Interview with union Agriculture Minister Radha Mohan Singh

An RSS worker from his youth, Union Agriculture Minister Radha Mohan Singh proclaims himself to be an “English media shy” person. Reported to be one of the few in the Union Cabinet close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Singh is a workaholic. He takes his staff and officials into confidence and often calls them for get-togethers at his house. “Main zamin se juda hoon (I am always rooted to the ground),” is his favourite one-liner. 

This interview with blogger (Nirendra Dev) was run by The Statesman, New Delhi 

It has been a tough year for both the Modi government and you as the Agriculture Minister. What is the Indian agrarian crisis all about? What is the agriculture scene in the country today?

Agri Minister: The last two years, 2014 and 2015, have been challenging years for Indian agriculture. In 2014, there was shortfall of rain by about 12 per cent. This year, too, we had untimely hailstorms and unseasonal rains. But ever since we came to power, we made it clear that the Modi government wants results. The bureaucracy has shown enough sincerity. The states also cooperated with us and as everyone acted in unison, the result is not as bad as apprehended. Contrary to the fear of akaal (famine) as hundreds of districts were affected, we had a scene where there is reduction in production by only three per cent. We also avoided any politics with agriculture.

So politics over agriculture is an issue. In the Lok Sabha, you criticised the UPA’s agricultural policy. What is this past burden, more so, because your predecessor for 10 years, Sharad Pawar, is known to be a pro-farmer leader?

Agri Minister: (Smiles) I will answer your question a little differently. The importance of Soil Health Card was first realised both in India and at the UN level in 2007. But till 2014 hardly anything moved under a supposed-to-be farmers’ leader. I am not getting personal. This is what you asked. Till 2014, they (UPA government) spent hardly Rs 72 crore for Soil Health cards. It was only cosmetic. We took it up on a war footing. In 2014-15, we sanctioned Rs 88 crore and passed it on to states. We also sanctioned 69 mobile labs for soil health studies. This was an example.

But what about a concrete cultivation programme?

Agri Minister: Yes, I am coming to that. We decided that tradition-based cultivation should be encouraged in a big way. Therefore, in 2015-16, we have earmarked Rs 300 crore for it and in addition Rs 125 crore for the north-eastern states. The irrigation programme remains another priority and we are working on the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sichai Yojana. In the last 10 years, there was no shortage of funds for states like Maharashtra, but look at the agriculture scene in that state.

In your tenure, too, there are problems. In your first press conference as Agriculture Minister you announced launching of a nationwide Pradhan Mantri Gramin Sichai Yojana. The scheme went to Water Resources Ministry and now it’s back with you. In the process in one year not even paper work has been done. How do you justify this episode of old babudom/red tapism?

Agri Minister: The scheme has not suffered at the implementation stage. Now the scheme is back with the Agriculture Ministry and we will soon issue guidelines. Actually four ministries - Agriculture, Rural Development, Drinking Water and Water Resources - have already disbursed Rs 5,300 crore. My ministry has distributed Rs 1,800 crore. So the scheme is on.

The latest monsoon forecast says rainfall will be deficient this year too. The growth of agri and allied sectors also dropped from 3.7 per cent in 2013-14 to 0.2 per cent in 2014-15. Are all these not worrying you?

We will face the challenge as it comes. I will hold talks with India Meteorological Department (IMD) and other agencies. We have tackled a big challenge in 2014. I have directed my officers to give updated reports on the contingency plans. In fact, immediately after the April forecast, we held discussions with state officials and tried to understand the situation. We had already prepared a contingency plan for 580 districts. By June-end we will prepare plans for 25-30 more districts in the north-east. My ministry will also coordinate with officials from other ministries like Power, Food and Rural Development.

What about other priorities for the Agriculture Ministry in your second year in office?

Agri Minister: We will take up the Soil Health Card issue with all sincerity. But here again, along with other agricultural schemes, a lot depends on the states’ cooperation and performance. I have been getting states’ support and as I mentioned without states’ help our contingency plans, both in 2014 and 2015, would not have been successful.

You mentioned politics being a problem in agriculture. But the country has had several stalwarts as Agriculture Minister from S K Patil to Jagjivan Ram and Devi Lal and Sharad Pawar.

Agri Minister: All were great certainly. But I look at things differently. To start with, Dr Rajendra Prasad from the beginning had kept the focus on farm growth, farmers’ welfare and villages. But after independence, once Jawaharlal Nehru gave emphasis on industrialisation, the agri sector and villages were ignored. “Gaon peechey reh gaya”. 

In my understanding, after Rajendrababu, Lal Bahadur Shastri understood the importance of farmers and thus gave the slogan ‘Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan’; after him Atal Behari Vajpayee took it to new heights, adding Jai Vigyan to the slogan. Now it is up to the Narendra Modi government to change the scenario, and we will do it.

What about the land Bill? Why have you all made it a prestige issue?

We have not made it a prestige issue. But after the hyped campaign against the Bill, the Opposition is on the defensive. Even in Bihar, Congress leaders like Jairam Ramesh had to clarify that their party is not anti-development. The message slowly has gone down that the land Bill will facilitate development. This Bill is essentially being opposed by lobbyists for Gurgaon-Ghaziabad builders.

See, nowhere, does the private sector figure. This Bill is only to help acquire land to help farmers and for sustainable infrastructure projects like roads and defence-related works. Those who gave away farmers’ land at a throwaway price to private builders, ‘suit-boot’ wallahs and relatives are mostly against the land Bill. Not an inch of land will be given to private players.

Under Nehru: "Gaon peechhey reh gaya"

Why Maggi at trouble@india.com today? Why UPA ignored Sharad Pawar panel report?

Why Maggi at trouble@india.com today?

No longer: Easy to Cook and wings to Happiness

The Health Ministry under UPA-I had 'ignored' Sharad Pawar-led JPC report on Coke, Pepsi...instead had "decided to seek a second opinion from a committee of government officers".

The then Health Minister and PMK leader Anbumani Ramadoss had allegedly
tried to "pass the buck to either Water Resources or Environment ministry".
((SUCH WAS THE EFFICIENCY OF MANMOHAN SINGH REGIME....sickularism@lickurasim.com) 

Amid hyped row over Maggi noodles, consumer activists and even political leaders say

the contamination in food items is not a new phenomenon in India as similar controversy had affected major consumer items like Coke, Pepsi cold drinks and also Cadbury chocolates and milk in the past.

FDA Maharashtra had stuck against chocolate brand in Mumbai and parts of Maharashtra in 2003. 

However, what is vital today is to ask why did Maggi trouble surface yet again?

One safe and sound observation is "ignoring" the strong recommendations of the 15-member JPC, headed by NCP stalwart Sharad Pawar on cold drinks about a decade back was "blunder".

The JPC headed by Pawar was constituted during the erstwhile Vajpayee government when the controversy on Coke and Pepsi had broken. The present External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, who was Health Minister under PM Atal Behari Vajpayee in 2003, had initiated steps to set up a JPC to be headed by NCP leader Pawar.

In fact, she announced that because the controversy on cola drinks were serious and linked to people's 'habits', an opposition member should head the JPC.

Thanks to UPA: Modi regime needs lot of cleaning to do !!

But thanks to 'SICKULAR' REGIME OF HONEST PM Dr Manmohan Singh !!

The panel headed by Pawar even had worked hard and produced a good report. The JPC’s crucial suggestion about fixing stringent standards for carbonated beverages was not implemented. JPC recommendation to seek complete freedom from pesticide residues in sweetened aerated water was also ignored. 

This was perhaps a blunder cannot be simply attributed to human lapses.

There is a cloud about such moves as both BJP and the CPI-M had charged the then UPA-I regime with being 'motivated' and 'influenced' by external forces.

The Health Ministry under UPA-I had 'ignored' the JPC report and instead had "decided to seek a second opinion from a committee of government officers".

 The matter was referred to the National Level Expert Group to guide Pesticide Residues Sub-Committee of  Central Committee for Food Standards (CFS).

In fact, the Action Taken Report of the union Health Ministry when presented

in Parliament on December 9 (2005) had sparked off "much debate" both within both the Houses in Parliament and also outside.

A BJP leader claimed that in fact the Health Minister then under PMK leader Anbumani Ramadoss had allegedly tried to "pass the buck to either Water Resources or Environment ministry".

When the Bus was secular, efficiency was no yardstick

 Such was efficiency of UPA regime where 'Saint Sonia's' words sounded Biblical and Rahul Gandhi, a young conscience keeper of the nation and above all Honest PM Manmohan Singh that the ATR by Health Ministry tried to dismiss the JPC comments on controlling pesticides in the sugar industry and sought to pass on the buck to Agriculture ministry then incidentally being held by none other than Sharad Pawar himself.  

Among other things, the Pawar-led JPC had also suggested for monitoring of effluents from the Coke factories 

at Palakkad and Plachimada. This was also hardly followed. 

Ironically, in 2006 again the controversy on Coke and Pepsi had resurfaced and the UPA government was again under attack including from its supporting parties like the CPI-M.

In Lok Sabha, Mohammad Salim, (CPI-M) MP, had claimed the Manmohan Singh government "inaction" against soft drink brands even three years after a joint parliamentary committee (JPC) headed by Pawar submitted its report could only be explained by its “collusion”.

The charge was, however, denied by the then Parliamentary Affairs Minister P R Dasmunshi.

Where was the conscience keeper?